Ukraine's Anti-Corruption Battle

On July 22, 2025, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the Ukrainian unicameral Parliament,  passed draft law 12414. Immediately following the vote, calls for peaceful protests circulated on social media. By approximately 8 PM that evening, people in major cities had gathered to demand the law be vetoed. However, President Zelensky signed it by midnight. On the third day of protests, a counter-bill was introduced with the aim of reversing the situation.

One of the key conditions for Ukraine receiving EU candidate status was ensuring the independence of anti-corruption bodies. Institutions such as NABU and the Bureau of Economic Security (BES) were established at the insistence of Western partners. Protestors defending the independence of these bodies do not shy away from criticising them. Despite concerns, in recent months, these bodies have launched several high-profile investigations, including one involving Minister of Unity Chernyshov – a figure close to the president.

It’s worth noting that over the past year, the government has delayed the appointment of the BES director, signalling a lack of genuine interest in an effective body to expose corruption within the political elite. This, in turn, hinders progress on reforms and weakens the implementation of European support.

Alarming Violations of the Constitution

The swift passage and signing of the law – in less than 24 hours – angered many citizens, especially since numerous other bills have languished for years awaiting consideration. Furthermore, Law 4555 (draft law 12414) unjustifiably broadens the list of emergency circumstances under which law enforcement forces can enter a home without a court order. This directly violates the Constitution, which clearly outlines exceptions for lawful searches. The mere fact that a law contradicting the Constitution could be passed in a single day is alarming. Today, Ukraine’s parliament is often perceived as a non-functional body, with most MPs voting based on instructions from the government. In such a context, statements like “why I supported the law” followed by “it was a mistake” after protests justifiably outrage citizens.

The essence of draft law 12414 is the transfer of all control over anti-corruption investigations to the Prosecutor General, who is appointed by the Verkhovna Rada on the president’s recommendation – without any competition, integrity check, or assessment of professional qualifications. In other words, this is a fully controlled figure. Stripping SAPO prosecutors of their independence, along with the ability to reassign cases to other prosecutors, effectively nullifies the purpose of having specialized anti-corruption institutions.

Additionally, the Prosecutor General is granted the authority to unilaterally declare NABU investigations ineffective and transfer them to the State Bureau of Investigations (SBI) or the National Police. This opens the door to turning anti-corruption efforts into tools for inter-agency rivalry and farce.

A "Counter-Law" That Falls Short

On July 24, details emerged online of a “counter-law” intended to restore the independence of the anti-corruption institutions. However, it fails to reinstate their previous status and still subordinates them to the Prosecutor General, albeit with slightly reduced powers. While some provisions undermining NABU and SAPO’s independence were removed, and the clause allowing warrantless searches was repealed, the public does not view this as a real solution. People demand a full return to the legal framework that existed prior to draft law 12414.

Betrayal of Public Trust and International Commitments

For many, this situation was a shock. Ukrainians have high hopes for anti-corruption agencies, expecting them to improve state institutions, especially in the field of defense. This move by the authorities is seen as a serious betrayal of public demands and commitments to Western partners. People question: how can we expect continued support and weapons – so vital for survival – when our government disregards the advice of allies?

There is a real risk that Russia will exploit the government's missteps to fuel destabilisation. Civil society is making great efforts to reduce tensions among protesters, identify provocateurs, and prevent anyone from using the situation for personal gain or destructive purposes.

In addition to the primary demand – the repeal of Law 4555 – other demands concern reforms in anti-corruption efforts, government transparency, and justice. What outrages people is not just this particular law, but the broader trend of the government behaviour. It’s not the first time: but for many, it’s the last straw. Ukrainian society is showing exceptional unity. Ukrainians are consciously restraining internal conflicts to avoid jeopardising support from partners during wartime. But patience is wearing thin, and people rightly feel that the government is exploiting their patience to protect a corrupt political elite.

The Flimsy Justification and Deep-Seated Issues

The formal justification for adopting draft law 12414 was “removing Russian influence” from anti-corruption bodies. This claim is widely dismissed as laughable. First, due to the activities of Russian intelligence services, no institution in Ukraine is entirely free from their influence. Second, the Parliament still contains members from the OPZH party – a political force that serves Russian interests. Their presence is tolerated because they conveniently help the government secure majorities in key votes. Among them are individuals with criminal backgrounds, significant wealth, and close ties to oligarchs. Third, the President’s Office includes people like Oleh Tatarov – a former official under the Yanukovych regime involved in the persecution of Euromaidan activists. Under normal circumstances, he would be in prison, but President Zelensky defends him as an “effective official.” Effective, undoubtedly, as a tool for the regime and corrupt networks. He is also believed to be involved in drafting Law 4555, and his links to Russia have been documented multiple times.

International Reaction

Some European commentators have criticized the protests for a perceived lack of unity with the government, suggesting Ukrainians should wait until the war is over. They point to Churchill’s wartime cabinet as an example. In response, one might recall the words of Volodymyr Vynnychenko, a leader during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, who said that the goal of struggle is the preservation of statehood within secure borders – even at the cost of temporarily losing some territory. But today, in the digital age, borders alone cannot save a state: strong institutions are essential.

Systemic corruption is a powerful destabilising factor that Russia can exploit. Independent anti-corruption agencies are a pillar of Ukraine’s survival as a sovereign state and a guarantor of further reforms. Without this, even victory in war will not mean true victory. The cases of Belarus and Georgia prove this: lacking strong institutions and reforms, these states have been turned into Russian satellites.

Supporting Ukraine: Nation vs. Government

Having read this, you may feel inclined to not support a state with such a government. However, remember: your support is support for the Ukrainian nation. Support Ukraine – and hold the Ukrainian government accountable, just as Ukrainian civil society is doing. Western support is one of the few remaining levers to influence the authorities. The EU and the Ukrainian people both want reforms. Ukraine’s integration into European structures strengthens security and stability across the continent. Conversely, weak Ukrainian institutions undermine the entire security architecture and spread threats from Russia to the entire region.

One of the greatest achievements of the Revolution of Dignity is the formation of institutions independent of the state: civil society organisations, foundations, and unions. Ukrainian volunteers buy satellites, drones, armoured vehicles, develop technology, and implement innovations – this is a unique form of self-organisation. If you don’t trust the government, turn to civil society. It is a model for all of Europe, whose experience is worth emulating. The best way to do that is through direct cooperation.

You may also come away with a very negative impression of the Zelensky-led government – and that is entirely justified. Ukrainian society is trying not to air internal scandals on the international stage and preserve the president’s positive image – for the sake of national survival. For many Ukrainians, he remains the “lesser evil” and, despite entering office on pacifist slogans, has shown unexpected resilience. This government has many flaws, but in wartime, there is no real possibility of replacing it. No one seeks to overthrow the constitutional order. So, for the sake of victory, we must work with what we have.

Volt Ukraine

Image source: Apaimages / SIPA / Scanpix / LETA

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