With its declaration, Volt Europa works towards providing a blueprint for decision making in a more integrated European Union.

The Bratislava declaration (available in Volt’s website) calls on heads of government to initiate treaty reforms - long overdue since the 2007 Lisbon treaty ratifications - and indispensable considering the geopolitical context and enlargement ambitions from Moldavia to Ukraine.

Inês Bravo Figueiredo, Co-President of Volt Europa "Volt is here to unlock Europe's full potential and change people's lives for the better. With treaty changes, we can ensure that qualified majority voting replaces the paralysis of unanimity. If we abolish the veto, Europe can finally act swiftly and decisively on the issues that matter most to citizens, from securing our shared energy supply and defense to tackling the cost of living and the climate crisis. Europe’s future is no longer held hostage to the least ambitious government in the room.”

Sven Franck, Co-President of Volt Europa: "We will never have 27 pro-European governments at the same time. Treaty changes provide the timeframe and opportunity to engage and involve citizens in the process of deepening cooperation from defence and security to economic integration."

Only European leaders will move Europe forward. This is why Volt Europa will act on two fronts: building the next generation of European political leaders while also offering a platform for progressive, forward thinking minds keen on building the future Europe Union. Volt is the only European political party in its purest sense and its new leadership will focus on building momentum towards the 2029 European elections.

About Volt Europa

Founded in 2017 in response to rising nationalism and Brexit, Volt Europa operates in over 30 countries across Europe. With more than 40,000 members/supporters, over 360 elected representatives at municipal, national, and European level, Volt actively advocates for reforming the European Union into a united, democratic, and sovereign federal state, unlocking Europe's full potential.

Fact Sheet

• Group in the European Parliament: Greens EFA

• Years in Existence: 9 years (Founded on 29 March 2017)

• Geographic Presence: Active in over 30 European countries

• Total Membership: Over 40,000 members+supporters continent-wide

• Votes in the European Elections: 1.4 million votes across Europe

• MEPs elected: Damian Boeselager (Germany), Nela Riehl (Germany), Kai Tegethoff (Germany), Anna Strolenberg (Netherlands), Reinier van Lanschot (Netherlands)

• Volt in the press: All news about Volt 

• Elected Officials: 360 Officials elected in 11 Countries

Media Contact

Contact us via eurpress@volteuropa.org (Jacob Lippold)

Volt will build the leadership platform to unite Europe and demands reforming EU treaties

The last months have shown us that in a world changing for the worse, we, as European citizens, can only prevail if we change Europe for the better.

Whether a European army or a United Europe, citizens across the continent understand the urgency and what is at stake. So does Volt: We are running out of time.

Volt Europa was born with the goal to “Fix Europe”. We believe in a federal Europe and we are calling on national governments to also make a leap of faith: changing treaties was never easy, but it was possible until the 2007 Lisbon treaty. We see today that 20 years without reform is a recipe for disaster.

Only 1 government is needed to propose treaty changes in the European Council. 14 can initiate the process. We don’t have 27 Orbáns. We don’t have 14 Orbáns. We actually have no more Orbán. Yet, unanimity remains and threatens the European project at its core.

If national leadership continues to only talk about a more united and more integrated Europe without taking the next logical steps, the only solution is to build and vote for real European political leadership. This is what Volt will do.

The next European elections are in 2029. Volt demands to open EU treaties until then. We cannot wait. And Volt will not wait:

• We will seek dialogue with heads of government to argue for initiating treaty changes to give the Parliament legal initiative and move to qualified majority voting.

• We will build momentum in the population to use the next European elections to change course towards a federal Europe.

• We will build the platform for future European leaders - on European and national level to provide an alternative and European perspective to electors.

Volt Europa is on its way to taking responsibility for Europe.
We demand national governments to take responsibility now.

On 14 June 2026, Volt Europa, Europe’s only pan-European political party active in more than 30 countries, elected its new European Board and executive leadership at our 2026 General Assembly in Bratislava. More than 900 members, supporters, and volunteers joined us in person, with hundreds more taking part remotely through our interactive digital platform.

This is a defining moment for our party. The newly elected board takes the helm as we begin executing Volt's roadmap toward the 2029 European Parliament Elections. The primary strategic objective for the new team will be securing 25 parliamentary seats in at least 7 countries, the minimum needed to establish Europe's first independent, pan-European political faction within the European Parliament.

The New Volt Europa Board:

• Co-Presidents: Inês Bravo Figueiredo & Sven Franck

• Treasurer: Alberto Spatola

• Non-Executive Board Members: Marieke Koekkoek, Chan Uk Jun, Mihaela Sirițanu, Slavomir Manasek, Marina Rrika

Our new Co-Presidents shared their vision for the mandate ahead:

Inês Bravo Figueiredo: This election means that there is change coming to Volt Europa. Both Sven and I came here with a very clear perspective - make Volt more political. We want Volt to be out there, we want to change people’s lives - starting NOW.

Sven Franck: Volt needs to start to have political influence. We need visibility in different member states, and make our message heard across Europe. We have only three years till 2029 to get elected, and the campaign is a reminder to vote for us. We have to convince them that we are the right solution for Europe much before the campaign.

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You and us share the same dream of a united, thriving Europe. It really means a lot to us when you make a donation, and if you would like to help us plan ahead with confidence, we thank you for your monthly contribution 💜 

Our generation is confronting geopolitical challenges unlike any we have seen in recent decades. The contradictions of the old system are pushing us to build a new one. Europe stands at a historic cross-roads: The time is now for transforming the multilateral crisis into positive change. We reject the false choices that have paralysed political debate for too long: values or interests, idealism or realism, openness or sovereignty. Europe’s greatest strength in the emerging world order lies in its ability to unite democratic values with strategic power.

As Volt Europa we see nine interconnected challenges define the crisis for the EU: the break with the United States; the weaponisation of trade and economic interdependences; Russia’s return to expansionism; China’s rise and the competition of models; the erosion of multilateralism and international law; the digital and tech sovereignty deficit and platform monopolies; the shifting alignments and economic power of the Global South; planetary crises without borders; the collapse of US soft power leaving a power vacuum.

The EU faces a choice: adapt with ambition or become an object of others’ strategies rather than a subject of its own.

This paper rests on two foundational claims. First, the EU must prioritise strategic autonomy and independence in key fields as a precondition for meaningful internal and external action and any strategic intervention on the international stage. Second, strengthening global stability and sustainable development is not only a moral imperative but directly in Europe’s interest. These two claims are not in tension. A more sovereign EU is also a more credible and generous partner. Throughout, we take the UN 2030 Agenda’s three pillars – economic sustainability (equitable growth), environmental sustainability (resource preservation), and social sustainability (justice and inclusivity) – as the minimum consensus framework for what constitutes progress.

Our Vision for a stronger EU position in the New World Order

1. From dependency to diversification

Trade relations of the EU need to be diversified actively. The EU must map its strategic dependencies systematically and introduce maximum dependency ceilings in critical sectors: energy, digital, defence, and raw materials. We call for a standing dependency warning system and an annual EU dependency summit. Trade agreements must be redesigned around concrete strategic interests rather than abstract liberalisation: more specialised, more sectoral, more targeted. This is not protectionism, it is precision. Accelerating the build-out of renewable energy is an essential part of this strategy: dependence on fossil fuels from unstable or hostile suppliers is a strategic vulnerability as much as an environmental one.

2. Non-Eurocentric partnerships

China outperforms the EU in partner countries not because its values are better but because its offer is better targeted. The EU must deliver what Global Gateway still too often fails to achieve: locally guided, sustainable investment informed by civil society and local actors. But the EU’s unique asset is what China cannot offer: human capital, mobility, and genuine two-way conditionality. We call for a decisive break with the conditionality-as-coercion model that has characterised EU partnerships for decades, and its replacement with genuine interest-based partnerships in which conditionality flows in both directions. This means flipping the migration conditionality logic entirely: offering visa facilitation, Erasmus, Talentpool partnerships, and technology transfer as proactive instruments of engagement, in exchange for the EU’s strategic needs.

Trade Partnerships

3. A three-gears approach to multilateralism

Abandoning multilateralism hands the field to great-power unilateralism. But one-size-fits-all multilateralism no longer works. The EU’s answer is a three-gears approach: plurilateralism for speed when the UN is blocked; regionalism for depth with ASEAN, the African Union, and MERCOSUR; and a middle powers coalition for bargaining weight where China or the US is setting the terms. The EU’s distinctive role is that of the world’s most credible convener and broker: carrying legitimacy without dominance. The red thread across all three gears is international law. Without accountability, norms are worthless: we call for an International Centre for the Prosecution of Core International Crimes and a complete EU legislative framework to pursue violations effectively.

4. One voice, one seat

The three-gears approach only works if the EU speaks with a single voice. We call for the transfer of France’s permanent UNSC seat to an EU seat, a standing EU representation across all UN agencies, and in the long term a European Union Ministry of Foreign Affairs leading a genuinely Common European Foreign Policy. On UN reform, we call for broader regional representation, an end to permanent seats in favour of elected regional groupings, majority voting in the UNSC for cases of genocide and crimes against humanity, and the creation of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly.

5. A European Defence Union in three steps

We cannot spend our way into security. The debate must shift from hitting a spending percentage to building a single market for defence: integration, interoperability, joint procurement, European preference over foreign suppliers, and European debt at low interest rates – saving up to 100 billion euros per year. We propose three mutually reinforcing pathways: first, a Europeanised NATO with European command structures and digital backbone; second, deeper integration among core groups of willing member states; third, a full European Defence Union with a European Army at its centre. Defence must also be reimagined as an innovation engine: green defence is not a contradiction. In the long term, a future United States of Europe should place a permanent peacekeeping force at the disposal of a reformed United Nations.

Multilateralism UN Reform Defence

6. European digital sovereignty

The EU is dangerously dependent on a handful of Silicon Valley corporations whose political alignments are increasingly incompatible with European values. Digital independence is now a matter of the highest geopolitical stakes. We call for a Tech Sovereignty Eurogroup, composed of digital experts and elected officeholders, to coordinate EU strategy on technology, AI, and cybersecurity. European alternatives must be built on four principles: open-source transparency, environmental sustainability, democratic governance, and a distinctly European vision of AI – targeted, efficient, and purposeful rather than energy-intensive and extractive. Concrete measures include data localisation rules, a Digital Services Tax, a sovereign cloud definition, and a European Democracy Act to protect electoral processes from foreign interference.

7. Global commons guarantor

Some threats – climate breakdown, pandemic risk, food insecurity – cannot be addressed by any bilateral deal or regional bloc. With the US having retreated from the WHO, the Paris Agreement, and the SDGs, the EU must become their active guarantor. We call for a Climate Loss and Damage register, modelled on the Ukraine register, to make climate harm legible, countable, and legally actionable. On global health, the EU is already the largest contributor to the Pandemic Preparedness Fund. With the upcoming ratification of the WHO Pandemic Agreement, the EU must now go further: we call for the establishment of a strengthened global health warning and data sharing system built on European tech infrastructure, reducing the dangerous dependency on US or Chinese platforms whose data governance standards are incompatible with European values, and ensuring that the next pandemic is met with coordinated European capacity rather than fragmented national responses.

On food security, reciprocal food security benchmarks must be embedded in agricultural trade agreements, alongside Strategic Mutual Reserves and knowledge-sharing on sustainable agriculture.

Digital Climate, Food and Health

8. Fixing the global financial system

The EU must use the euro more deliberately to reduce coercion in the global financial system – not to recreate US hegemony but to build a genuinely multipolar financial architecture. This means promoting euro-denominated contracts in strategic sectors, developing a digital euro with strong privacy protections, and completing the Capital Markets Union. On taxation, the EU should champion a global common corporate tax base among UN member states, with revenues channelled to fund multilateral institutions independently of the political will of any single contributor. On debt, the current system is structurally biased against developing countries: we call for IMF and World Bank voting reform. Beyond governance, we call for a comprehensive multilateral debt restructuring framework built on two concrete pillars: first, the structured renegotiation of the debt of the countries currently in debt distress; and second, the institutionalisation of the Debt Pause Clause Alliance – the thus far informal commitment by international banks and countries since 2025 to automatically suspend loan repayments in the event of natural disasters or severe economic shocks – through ratification by the EU and its member states with a single unified voice.

9. Europe as a great attractor

Society’s culture, its values, and its conduct on the international scene, enables the informal consensus-building and diplomatic goodwill that make collective action possible before crises harden into conflicts. The United States understood this for decades; that strategic commitment has now collapsed, leaving a cultural power vacuum the EU should fill – not by dominating, but as a convener. We call for a Common European International Cultural Relations Policy, strategic cultural investment modelled on South Korea’s Korean Wave, and active deployment of cultural relations as a distinct strand of enlargement, neighbourhood, and rapprochement strategies. Values and culture are not separate categories but mutually constitutive: European culture, in all its diversity, is the living expression of pluralism, creative freedom, and the coexistence of difference. Enlargement must be understood through this lens: not as a technocratic accession process but as the expansion of a sphere of shared values, cultural convergence, and people-to-people exchange. It is the EU’s most powerful soft power instrument, and the clearest proof that the European project works: the only political project in the world with more than a dozen countries voluntarily lining up to become part of it.

This new leadership will steer Volt into its next major political chapter: the European Election campaign in 2029 with the goal to achieve its own faction in the European Parliament.

The GA will be open to civil society activists, journalists, citizens, and supporters, with options to attend in person at Peugeout Arena, NTC Bratislava or join via a global livestream. 

Why Bratislava?

The biggest challenges of today require solutions that go beyond borders. Which is why Volt exists. 

Bratislava was chosen as the host city for its symbolic significance in this regard. As the only European capital bordering two nations - Austria and Hungary - it reflects Volt’s commitment to cross-border collaboration and interconnected solutions. With democracy under pressure and Slovakia’s local and regional elections approaching in October 2026, the GA underscores Volt’s role in addressing Europe’s modern political challenges. The event aims to energise Volt Slovakia and demonstrate how a united, borderless approach to politics can counter authoritarianism and foster shared prosperity.

Event Details

When:
Saturday, June 13, 2026 (9:00 AM CEST) – Sunday, June 14, 2026 (6:00 PM CEST)

Where:
NTC Bratislava
Príkopova 6, 831 03 Bratislava, Slovakia

Format:
Hybrid (in-person and interactive livestream)

Agenda: Plan for the weekend

How to Participate

In person: Register for physical attendance and access to social and networking events (June 11–14) via the official event portal.

Remotely: Join the livestream to watch keynote speeches, panel debates, and real-time election results.

About Volt Europa

Founded in 2017 in response to rising nationalism and Brexit, Volt Europa operates in over 30 European countries. With more than 34,000 members and over 300 elected representatives at municipal, national, and European levels, Volt advocates for reforming the European Union into a united, democratic, and sovereign federal state.

Fact Sheet:

• Group in the European Parliament: Greens EFA

• Years in Existence: 9 years (Founded on 29 March 2017)

• Geographic Presence: Active in over 30 European countries

• Total Membership: Over 40,000 members+supporters continent-wide

• Votes in the European Elections Across Europe 2024: 1.4 million votes all over Europe

• Volt in the press: All news about Volt 

• Total Elected Officials: 360+ Officials elected in 11 Countries! 

Media Contact

Contact us via eurpress@volteuropa.org (Jacob Lippold)

Spain has now joined Slovenia in urging the European Commission to take European protective measures against these extraterritorial sanctions. This call has also been reinforced by a former ICC prosecutor, who urged the EU to adopt a statute specifically blocking US sanctions against ICC members.

Volt Europa expressly supports this initiative, which is both necessary and appropriate.

The International Criminal Court is a central instrument for the enforcement of international law, the prosecution of war crimes, and the protection of universal human rights. When judges and staff members of international courts are intimidated through economic or political pressure, it is not merely an institution that is being attacked, but the fundamental principle that international law must apply independently of geopolitical interests.

It is troubling that sanctions against representatives of the ICC can, in practice, disrupt access to bank accounts, payment services, and international cooperation, including within the European Union itself. This creates a dangerous precedent for the political instrumentalization of economic power against international justice.

The political willingness to deploy punitive sanctions reaches beyond the ICC: the United States also imposed sanctions on a UN Special Rapporteur, but those measures were later suspended by a federal court and then lifted.

Volt Europa therefore calls for a coordinated and determined European response. The European Commission should immediately examine extending the EU Blocking Statute to cover sanctions against representatives of the ICC and, once extended, ensure its consistent enforcement. European banks, payment service providers, and companies require clear legal protection and certainty so they can continue cooperating with the ICC without fear of US secondary sanctions. EU member states should strengthen their political and financial support for the International Criminal Court and actively defend its institutional independence. In the long term, Europe needs greater strategic sovereignty in its financial and payment systems so that European foreign and justice policy cannot be constrained by unilateral measures imposed by other states. The European Union should present a united front internationally and make clear that attacks on international courts are attacks on the multilateral order as a whole. 

Volt Europa stands for a Europe that does not merely defend the rule of law, human rights, and international law rhetorically, but safeguards them institutionally. The credibility of the European Union depends on whether it is prepared to protect independent international institutions even when this entails political pressure from abroad.

Anyone who wishes to preserve a rules-based international order must not allow judges of international courts to be intimidated or isolated through sanctions. Europe must act now, collectively, decisively, and in accordance with its own values.

______________

You and us share the same dream of a united, thriving Europe. It really means a lot to us when you make a donation, and if you would like to help us plan ahead with confidence, we thank you for your monthly contribution 💜 

Luckily, Europe does not need a plan B to a US-dominated NATO. We can return to plan A: the European Defence Union, with joint decision-making, integrated command structures,  strategic capabilities, and a rapid reaction force. Such a Defence Union would not duplicate NATO but strengthen it with a robust European pillar at its centre capable of acting independently if necessary; separable, not separate. 

Two-thirds of Europeans want Europe to be able to defend itself independently.* We are Members of the European Parliament who share that goal. If we act, the European Union can safeguard the freedom of its 450 million citizens and uphold its founding promise of creating peace. Yet progress remains slow. The words of national governments are not backed up by actions. 

Buying time but wasting it
In recent years, EU-US ‘’diplomacy’’ meant buying time through appeasement. But after a year of US pressure on Ukraine, unilateral tariffs, interference in our elections, and threats to annex Greenland, it is clear that this strategy failed. 

The trade-off was that at the same time, Europe would scale up its defence industry, strengthen military capabilities and become more resilient against hybrid attacks and foreign interference.

Even though national leaders have repeatedly voiced the political wish to do this, real political will is lacking. The rapid increase in European artillery shell production shows what is possible when there is political will. Unfortunately, similar acceleration has not taken place in other areas. That puts Europeans at risk.

Stumbling over the first steps
The upcoming laws in the so-called ‘’defence omnibus’’ contain the first steps: cutting time and paperwork for defence production, integrate our defence market and enable joint procurement. 

However, short-sighted self-interest and old habits benefiting big legacy industries continue to block real progress. On defence procurement, these attitudes hinder prioritising equipment produced within the EU. Attempts to weaken automatic approval for permits after deadlines risk delaying critical defence manufacturing sites for years. Intra-EU transfer licences and the treatment of components remain blocked, preventing the dismantling of national barriers to defence trade. 

Buying equipment together could save up to 100 billion euro per year. Member States remain stuck in their national trenches. These laws should have been finalised last year. In the period since then, Putin has equipped six new divisions. We need to run a record-breaking race, but Member States are stumbling over the first steps.

Winning the race

This must change. Europe needs to act as one united power. It is only together that we can build our strategic autonomy in defence, energy, and industry. The timelines are tight. The US set a deadline for Europeans to take on greater responsibility within NATO by 2027. After Iran, this shift may accelerate. This can only be done by working closely with key partners such as the United Kingdom, Norway, Canada, and in particular Ukraine.

Three steps are critical: 

• Urgently adopt the defence omnibus;

• Create a true  single market for defence, reducing dependencies through a principle of European preference, increasing interoperability and achieving economies of scale; 

• Build a European Defence Union that strengthens NATO but can operate independently of the United States.

The European Commission and the European Parliament are ready. Now we need a push from national governments. So our call to all Member States on this day, Europe day, is simple: build a European Defence Union, and do it now.

As Paul-Henri Spaak warned in another era: “Il n'est pas encore trop tard, mais il est temps.” 

* https://bebartlet.com/european-pulse-forum-2026/#defense

Signatories:

• Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann, Chair of the Security and Defence Committee (Renew), Germany

• Rasa Juknevičienė (EPP), Lithuania

• Wouter Beke (EPP), Belgium

• Matej Tonin (EPP), Slovenia

• Michael Gahler (EPP), Germany

• Sven Simon (EPP), Chair of the Constitutional Affairs Committee (EPP), Germany

• Sven Mikser (S&D), Estonia, SEDE coordinator

• Thijs Reuten (S&D), Netherlands

• Tobias Cremer (S&D), Germany

• Thomas Pellerin Carlin (S&D), France

• Nathalie Loiseau (Renew), France, SEDE coordinator

• Helmut Brandstätter (Renew), Austria

• Lucia Yar (Renew), Slovakia

• Hilde Vautmans (Renew), Belgium

• Lukas Sieper (Renew), Germany  

• Bart Groothuis (Renew), Netherlands

• Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy (Renew), Netherlands

• Sandro Gozi (Renew), France

• Bernard Guetta (Renew), France

• Martins Stakis (Greens/EFA), Latvia, SEDE coordinator

• Nicolae Ștefănuță (Greens/EFA), Romania, Vice President of the European Parliament

• Hannah Neumann (Greens/EFA), Germany

• Daniel Freund (Greens/EFA), Germany

• Sergey Lagodinsky (Greens/EFA), Germany

• Ville Niisto (Greens/EFA), Germany

• Reinier van Lanschot (Volt), Netherlands

• Kai Tegethoff (Volt), Germany

• Anna Strolenberg (Volt), Netherlands

• Damian Boeselager (Volt), Germany

• Nela Riehl (Volt), Germany

Read in your language:

• Netherlands: https://fd.nl/opinie/1595733/defensie-unie-is-hard-nodig-maar-eu-lidstaten-trappen-op-de-rem?utm_medium=social&utm_source=app&utm_campaign=earned&utm_content=20260509&utm_term=app-ios&gift=qmgIS 

• Netherlands: https://www.ad.nl/buitenland/terwijl-trump-zich-terugtrekt-vergadert-de-eu-in-de-tussentijd-heeft-p…

• Netherlands: https://www.trouw.nl/politiek/europarlement-tegen-eu-landen-schiet-eens-op-met-europese-defensie~b5…

• Netherlands: https://www.parool.nl/nederland/nu-amerikanen-raketten-weghalen-luiden-europarlementariers-de-noodk…

• Netherlands: https://www.rd.nl/a/1148279-europarlement-aan-lidstaten-maak-haast-met-europese-defensieunie

• Netherlands: https://www.leidschdagblad.nl/buitenland/europarlement-aan-lidstaten-maak-haast-met-europese-defens…

• Netherlands: https://www.pzc.nl/buitenland/terwijl-trump-zich-terugtrekt-vergadert-de-eu-in-de-tussentijd-heeft-…

• Netherlands: https://www.dagelijksestandaard.nl/nieuws/europarlement-aan-lidstaten-maak-haast-met-europese-defen…

• European:: https://www.euractiv.com/news/a-cross-party-group-of-30-meps-reports-for-duty-to-push-eu-defence-un…

• European::https://table.media/en/security/news-en/european-defense-union-50-members-of-parliament-are-putting… 

• European: https://davekeating.substack.com/p/meps-set-up-military-group-to-challenge 

• Germany: https://www.n-tv.de/politik/EU-Abgeordnete-fordern-Unabhaengigkeit-von-Nato-id30803720.html 

• Austria: https://www.derstandard.at/consent/tcf/story/3000000320021/vereint-um-krieg-zu-verhindern-europa-muss-eine-verteidigungsunion-anstreben 

• Germany: https://www.t-online.de/nachrichten/ausland/id_101247834/eu-abgeordnete-fordern-unabhaengigkeit-von-nato.html 

• Germany: https://rp-online.de/politik/deutschland/strack-zimmermann-fordert-europaeische-verteidigungsunion_aid-147907543 

• Germany: https://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/verteidigung-in-europa-abgeordnete-werben-fuer-umbau-der-eu-zur-verteidigungsunion-a-c9814ff7-223b-4e00-877b-76f55c8524d2?sara_ref=re-so-app-sh

• Germany: https://www.faz.net/agenturmeldungen/dpa/eu-abgeordnete-fordern-unabhaengigkeit-von-nato-200815297.html 

• Belgium: https://www.tvl.be/nieuws/limburgse-europarlementsleden-pleiten-voor-europees-leger-nu-steun-van-vs-afbrokkelt-180678 

• Belgium: https://www.hbvl.be/politiek/beke-en-vautmans-trekken-aan-de-kar-voor-meer-europese-defensie-druk-opvoeren-op-lidstaten/151205996.html 

• Slovakia: https://dennikn.sk/5319277/preteky-s-casom-prehravame-europa-musi-utekat-k-obrannej-unii-nasi-lidri-vsak-zakopli-uz-na-starte/ 

• France: https://www.lexpress.fr/monde/europe/au-lieu-dattendre-que-la-guerre-nous-rassemble-unissons-nous-pour-la-prevenir-lappel-de-25-2RWQP5FBGRCPHKLUQF23MVVD5Y/?cmp_redirect=true 

• Lithuania: https://www.delfi.lt/news/ringas/politics/rasa-jukneviciene-ir-reinieris-van-lanschotas-vienykimes-kad-isvengtume-karo-120247486 

• Lithuania: https://www.lrt.lt/en/news-in-english/19/2922090/europe-must-run-for-a-defence-union-national-leaders-are-stumbling-at-the-start-opinion 

• Latvia: https://www.delfi.lv/bizness/56234200/eiropas-zinas/120117381/ep-deputati-vel-nav-par-velu-bet-ir-pedejais-laiks 

• Italy: https://www.ilfoglio.it/esteri/2026/05/09/news/leuropa-deve-correre-verso-una-difesa-comune--398571 

______________

You and us share the same dream of a united, thriving Europe. It really means a lot to us when you make a donation, and if you would like to help us plan ahead with confidence, we thank you for your monthly contribution 💜 .

Growing antisemitism in society sparked discussions within Volt. Besides discussing how to combat antisemitism, there was also discussion about the definition and the difference between antisemitism and criticism of the Israeli government. 

Last week, an  article was published in the German news outlet Die Zeit about cases of antisemitism within Volt, and we would like to provide some clarity.

Sadly we have had a few incidents of antisemitism within our party. In response, we consistently investigated these incidents and took action where necessary: individual sanctions were imposed, the moderation on our internal platform was strengthened, our code of conduct was updated, and external experts were consulted for advice on how to prevent such incidents. We also launched dialogue sessions on the meaning of anti-Semitism, its forms, and how we can combat it.

A new definition of antisemitism was adopted at the Volt Europa Congress in Frankfurt in November 2025, following motions filed by the members in accordance with our democratic practices.

For some, however, it felt uncomfortable to hold a discussion on what constitutes antisemitism. The concern is understandable. At the same time, we recognize that questions about the space to criticize the Israeli government are also a significant concern in society. We believe these are important conversations to have, even if they are difficult.

For this reason, we supported our members to bring this topic forward as an agenda point at the congress. The discussion also featured David Feldman, a prominent scholar in this field, who serves as co-director of BISA, Professor of History at Birkbeck, University of London, and Professor of the History of Antisemitism at the University of Melbourne. 

After the Jerusalem Definition of Antiseitism (JDA) was approved to be adopted by Volt, a group of people left the party. After many efforts to involve them, it is unfortunate to conclude that we were unable to make them feel at home. 

Volt aims to create a society where there is no discrimination. We remain committed to combating antisemitism and all other forms of racism. 

Francesca Romana D'Antuono and Mels Klabbers, Co-Presidents of Volt Europa

Political context

Growing geopolitical tensions between Europe and the USA reflect our different visions of democracy. The Volt Europa Tech team aims to use technologies that align with our principles of data sovereignty, protection of privacy and inclusion. This is not in line with the global market dominance of the Big Tech companies based in the USA.

It is clear to us that reliance on American hyperscalers within Volt and Europe is not sustainable in the long term. That is why we are committed to transitioning completely to European and open-source solutions. We want to enable European digital sovereignty and innovation, making Europe economically and technologically strong.

Where we are now

The main reason to step away from American Big Tech is that we want full control of our data. US law, most notably the CLOUD Act (Clarifying Lawful Overseas Use of Data (CLOUD) Act of 2018), allows American authorities to compel US-based companies to disclose data, even if stored outside the United States. The EU-US Data Privacy Framework, intended to address these concerns, rests on an Executive Order and can be revoked by any sitting US president without congressional approval. For a value-driven political organisation like Volt, that level of legal uncertainty is not acceptable. We at Volt take data protection of our members seriously. Therefore, we have started taking concrete steps to use European-hosted and open-source tools:

• Our Community platform and intranets have been migrated to a German-built tool.

• CiviCRM is soon to be our European-hosted open-source member management system.

• LogTo, an open-source identity service provider, is our alternative to Google authentication (SSO).

• All our official websites are hosted by a European partner, using Statamic Laravel, supported by Mave (a European Alternative to YouTube embeds), and Plausible for anonymous analytics. They all ensure cookie-free videos and webpages.

• Even though we still rely on American technology to send out newsletter campaigns, transactional emails are now sent through Lettermint - a European email broadcasting provider.

• Streaming and online events are all shared through a French webinar tool.

• Amendments and motions ahead of assemblies are managed through Motion Tools, which is an open-source solution born in Germany.

• Our new learning management system is an open-source e-learning tool.

Challenges

This is only the beginning. We have a long way ahead of us. Due to limited human and financial resources, we encounter several challenges:

1. Europe already has great alternatives to the majority of US-based tools and systems, but they often come at a higher price and a less streamlined user experience.

2. Self-hosted open-source tools require constant maintenance. We are always seeking volunteers to help us with that.

3. We want to ensure that Volt tools enable productive work and collaboration between our members, supporters, and volunteers. We aim to implement systems that suit everyone, from tech experts to digital novices.

What we need to work on

Despite these challenges, we aim to eliminate our reliance on American Big Tech in the coming years by taking small but decisive steps. We also need to make sure that changes do not cause downtime and that our organisation continues to run smoothly. In the future, we want to focus on the following:

• Step-by-step replacement of Google services with European providers. Making a change starts with being honest. So we need to be transparent about our big reliance on Google Suite. We are changing this, as shown by the integration of a new authentication system. Now it’s time to take the next small step of reducing our reliance on Google. 

• Running all our infrastructure on the European cloud.

• Using European payment processors, such as ClubCollect and Wero, both on the European level and across all our national chapters, for accepting payments, donations, and member fees, whilst also supporting national solutions, which are common, e.g. in the North European countries.

• Sending all of our mailing campaigns using European mail delivery services.

• Going up the supplier chain. We can help our suppliers move their tech stack to European alternatives, if they are reliant on foreign big tech solutions.

While making these changes, we want to avoid vendor lock-in. Interoperability standards will be an important factor when choosing our service providers.

Great news: you can be a part of it!

This is not just another IT project.  It is a political necessity and a reflection of our values, an ongoing commitment that everyone in Volt can be a part of.

You can start bringing the change by transforming your own habits, like switching to a European browser and using a European alternative to ChatGPT & co (and recommend that your friends do the same!). Find European alternatives on this website. You can also help Volt by joining our Tech team efforts as a volunteer to help us move in the right direction more quickly, or support us financially to make the transition happen.

How will you be a part of this change?

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But if we stop at celebration, we miss the deeper story.

Hungary’s recent history has exposed the structural contradictions of today’s European Union.

For over a decade, Orbán was not an outsider. His party, Fidesz, sat comfortably within the European People’s Party, the main centre-right political family in Europe and the same grouping Ursula von der Leyen sits in. During those years, the erosion of democratic norms in Hungary was visible and yet largely tolerated.

This is not a Hungarian anomaly. It is a European failure.

The rise of illiberal leaders across the continent did not happen in a vacuum. It followed a decade marked by overlapping crises: the financial crash of 2008, the Eurozone crisis of 2012, the migration crisis of 2015, the pandemic, and now the chaos that geopolitical and energy crises have brought to us.

Too often, the EU’s response to these crises has been perceived as technocratic, punitive, and detached. Austerity policies, imposed without sufficient democratic ownership, have fed a sense of alienation. When decisions that deeply affect people’s lives appear to be taken by distant, unelected actors, political backlash is not a surprise, it is a consequence.

Orbán’s system was built on that backlash. But it went further.

Over the years, Hungary developed a political model that combined electoral competition with structural imbalance: media capture, institutional pressure, and electoral reforms designed to favour the ruling party. This is why yesterday’s result is widely seen as remarkable. Winning against such a system is not just a political victory. It is a structural disruption.

And yet, this is not the end of the story.

Hungary’s new Prime Minister, Péter Magyar, represents a break with Orbán’s leadership. This is good: Hungarians deserve honesty and rebuilding institutions that were systematically dismantled over sixteen years takes time. So does restoring judicial independence, rebuilding a free media landscape, reforming public education, unwinding the networks of political patronage that run deep through the economy. None of this happens in one parliamentary term, and none of it happens without resistance. That is the reality of rebuilding a state that was deliberately hollowed out. At the same time Magyar does not represent necessarily a break with the broader ideological landscape of European centre-right politics. It is clear, for example, that on issues such as migration, continuity rather than rupture is defined in the coming years.

This matters because the real question is not just who governs Hungary, but what kind of Europe emerges from this moment.

Orbán’s defeat weakens a key obstacle to a more coherent European foreign policy, particularly on Ukraine and relations with Russia. But the deeper challenge remains: Europe still lacks the political capacity to act as a unified power.

Without a common foreign policy, a shared defence framework, and genuine democratic legitimacy across borders, the European Union will continue to react rather than lead.

Hungary’s election is therefore both a success and a warning.

A success, because democratic change is still possible; a warning, because the conditions that enabled Orbán’s rise have not disappeared.

If Europe wants to prevent the next Orbán, it must go beyond managing crises. It must address their root causes: inequality, democratic distance, and the absence of a truly European political space.

Otherwise, this victory will remain an exception rather than the beginning of a new European trajectory.

By Francesca Romana D'Antuono and Mels Klabbers, Co-Presidents of Volt

Image source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/50/Peter_Magyar.Viktor_Orban.jpg

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In the illegally occupied West Bank, a systematic policy of displacement, expropriation and violence against the Palestinian population is being advanced. What is happening is not accidental – rather, it is a deliberate, clearly communicated process affecting large parts of Area C, the Jordan Valley and increasingly Area B. With the support or acquiescence of Israeli security forces, a policy is being implemented that aims to permanently prevent Palestinian self-determination and to cement the de facto annexation of the West Bank.

This current wave of violence follows a disturbingly consistent pattern. First, illegal outposts are established, then Palestinian shepherd and Bedouin communities are denied access to water and grazing land, until, finally, brutal attacks on property and people by Israeli settler terrorists force residents to flee. Since 7 October 2023 alone, 4,037 Palestinians have been displaced in this manner. Entire communities simply no longer exist.

The role of the Israeli government in this practice is particularly alarming. Security forces often act hand in hand with settlers. Meanwhile, families defending their land are imprisoned and mistreated. The International Court of Justice made it clear in July 2024 that the displacement in the West Bank driven by settler violence and land seizure is a prohibited “forcible transfer.” Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, this practice qualifies as a war crime and must be consistently sanctioned under international law.

Furthermore, the Israeli security cabinet announced in early February that it would allow Israelis to acquire land in the unlawfully occupied Palestinian territories. The announcement therefore represents a further step towards the de facto annexation of the West Bank, and contradicts international law as well as existing international agreements.

Israeli settlers set fire to homes and vehicles in several locations in the illegally occupied West Bank on March 22, 2026, injuring at least one person, including in al-Fandaqumiya and Seilat al-Dahr near Jenin. Further attacks were reported in Masafer Yatta, Qaryut, and Jalud, in some cases under the protection of Israeli security forces. There were also incidents of stone-throwing at vehicles. Such incidents are part of a growing wave of violence since October 2023, in which more than 1,000 Palestinians have been killed in the West Bank.

Volt calls on the EU and its Member States to take decisive and immediate action to halt these measures and ensure accountability for violations of international law:

1. Suspend the EU-Israel Association Agreement for as long as the Israeli government violates international law.
   
   

2. Immediately halt imports and exports of all goods originating from the illegally occupied territories that Israel declares as Israeli goods.
   
   

3. Impose EU sanctions on settler organisations and on individual politicians and ministers who support settler terrorism.

This is a matter of nothing less than the right to life, security and dignity for an entire people. The EU must finally send clear signals, end its double standards and actively defend compliance with international law. Volt will not be silent until the systematic violence in the West Bank ends.

Image source: https://mondoweiss.net/2024/11/photo-essay-the-silent-displacement-in-the-west-bank/#:~:text=As%20the%20world%20has%20focused,Bank%20following%20October%207%2C%202023.

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What is the current escalating situation in Iran?

In Iran, repression has significantly intensified. Independent human rights observers and activists report that thousands of civilians have been killed, with some estimates suggesting tens of thousands of deaths during the brutal crackdown by Iranian security forces. Throughout January 2026 waves of arrests continued, accompanied by accusations of torture and coercion, but the exact number of people arrested since the start of the protests has remained not fully disclosed. 

Unarmed protesters, bystanders, and even children have been shot with live ammunition. Doctors who dare to treat the wounded have been arrested and are awaiting execution. An increasing number of protesters, activists and organisers have been sentenced to death, with mass executions surging in recent weeks. The internet has been shut down to keep the truth of these violent acts hidden. For this reason, the European Union has taken action, adding Iran's Revolutionary Guards to the terrorist list, while still maintaining open diplomatic channels.

At the same time, the United States has issued an ultimatum to Iran, threatening military intervention. Trump is demanding Iran make a “deal” regarding its nuclear programme while also using rhetoric about stopping the killings of protesters, instrumentalising their suffering as a geopolitical leverage. In response, the Islamic Republic's Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi stated that the country's armed forces were ready, "with their fingers on the trigger [to] immediately and powerfully respond" to any aggression by land or sea.

Diplomatic talks between the US and Iran are taking place in Oman. These are the first since the US attacked Iran’s nuclear facilities in June 2025. The discussion is aimed at addressing Iran’s nuclear programme and broader regional security issues. There is heightened tension, as the wide-ranging demands advanced by Trump – pushing for more than just nuclear agreements – risk putting the entire diplomatic effort at stake, at a moment when the window for meaningful progress is already narrow.

What kind of action are we calling for now?

The situation of the Iranian people is devastating and urgent. Decisive action by the international community is needed sooner rather than later to intervene in the face of a mounting number of civilian deaths and unlawful executions on a daily basis. 

The US is threatening military intervention with the main goal of destroying Iranian nuclear and defensive capability, which would require weeks of sustained overhead bombardment. While claiming that liberation of the Iranian people and regime change are key goals of the intervention, the US has not proposed any credible strategy for long-term democratic change or stability in connection to these threats.

A US-led military intervention that bypasses international law would not ensure a peaceful transition of power or the urgently needed relief for the Iranian people. Simultaneously this would significantly weaken the international rules-based order and further embed a dangerous precedent of unilateral military aggression and infringement of self-determination on the international stage. Europe must firmly insist on compliance with international law, in particular the unlawful use of military force.

Instead, we demand decisive action by the United Nations Security Council in compliance with the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle, which ensures that the international community protects populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. Where a state manifestly fails to protect its population from mass atrocities, the international community has a responsibility to act collectively, through lawful and proportionate measures mandated by the Security Council. 

The UNSC must assess the situation accordingly and should mandate a multilateral, NATO led operation meant to put significant pressure on the regime under the legal argument of R2P to stop arbitrary violence and mass killings inflicted by the Iranian government. Such an operation must prioritise civilian protection, prevent further atrocities, and lay the groundwork for democratic reconstruction.

However, we realise that the UNSC is currently deadlocked and needs to be urgently reformed. In the absence of a UN mandate, the next best thing would be a multilateral operation with broad participation, in compliance with R2P. Europe should unite so that in the long run, it can speak with one voice in the world and help build a rules based order that can act faster and decisively to protect human rights everywhere.

In addition, Europe must play an active role in de-escalating tensions, strengthening Iranian civil society, enabling humanitarian support and guaranteeing asylum for the politically persecuted and those fleeing human rights violations, while using all diplomatic tools available to ensure that any use of force is grounded in international legality and multilateral legitimacy.

Inaction in the face of mass repression and large scale human rights violations is not an option. Accountability for the killings of protesters and the violent suppression of dissent must be pursued through legal mechanisms, including independent investigations through the Human Rights Council. At the EU level, Member States can rely on universal jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute individuals responsible for grave international crimes. The European Union should actively facilitate and coordinate these processes.

We stand with the Iranian people, who have been protesting against the illegitimate regime for decades, calling for an end to repression, respect for basic freedoms, accountability for abuses, and the right to shape their country’s future. 

Our Iranian friends need solidarity, not silence. 

They need principled international action grounded in law and legitimacy, not unlawful unilateral intervention. And above all, they deserve to be heard.  

Image: By Vahid Online, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=182747312

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We have talked before about why we need a European Army. NATO, which keeps us safe from outside threats, doesn't work without the US. But the US is currently unreliable at best, and an enemy at worst. If Greenland or the Baltics were attacked tomorrow, Europe would not be prepared with 27 divided little armies. Europe is a peace project, and peace must be defended. To protect our shared freedom, prosperity, and a positive future, we need to deter those who want to destroy it. In the long run, integrated armed forces would also save hundreds of billions of euros from fragmentation, make our forces more effective in the field, and solidify Europe's geopolitical position in an increasingly unstable world. 

A growing majority of Europeans now want a European Army instead of national armies.

The European Commissioner for Defence has said that Europe needs 100,000 common troops and a ''big bang'' on how defence is governed: not 27 little armies but one defence force that can keep us all safe. Some Member States, like Spain, are also openly in favour.

So European citizens, experts and officials agree that we need a European Army.

But how would such a European Army actually look like?

Let's first see what we need to achieve. Experts agree on the three most critical urgencies to replace the US role in NATO and build the European defence autonomy:

• Leadership. We lack a unified command and control structure that can direct our forces with homegrown infrastructure, doctrines, and exercises.

• Forces. We have a gap of around 300,000 soldiers that are actually ready to respond to any aggression, with harmonised equipment, culture and training.

• Capabilities. We lack the key capabilities, so called ''strategic enablers'' to make those troops fight effectively, like intelligence, surveillance and logistics.

This is not a choice between NATO or a European Army. We want to make sure NATO works properly with a European pillar, which is best achieved through an autonomous European Defence Union. Think of it this way: the US currently provides most of its contributions to NATO under US European Command. We want to build a European counterpart to that.

Finally, the EU cannot do this alone. Ukraine in particular can fill critical gaps in our readiness with its large, battle-hardened military, and innovative technologies. Partners like the UK, Norway, Canada and EU candidate countries will also be essential. How do we get this in order, the quickest, sustainable and most effective way possible? Let's take it in three steps, from most urgent to most future-proof: NATO, EDU, and the European Army.

Step one: Make NATO Trump-proof through European leadership

We have to accept that we cannot immediately replace the US security umbrella. But we need an emergency plan in case the US suddenly leaves NATO. You don't want to order a brand-new fire extinguisher online when your house is on fire; you want to use the old and ugly one, even if you need to fix its missing parts with duct tape. NATO has decades of experience in organising collective defence in Europe. If we start from scratch, Russia will exploit the transition period to strike Europe while it's disorganised. Besides: NATO will continue to be the best framework for a future autonomous European Defence to work together with our allies. So, what can we do to make NATO work better for us?

• Replace NATO's Supreme Allied Commander (SACEUR), and its operational and tactical component commands, with European officers. This process is already underway but needs to be accelerated. NATO's Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) should also be staffed by more European personnel.

• Replace US situational awareness and battlefield management systems with our own, for example by scaling up Ukraine's ''DELTA'' system. This applies to all the digital hardware and software we use to keep our militaries running. 

• Set up a ‘’fusion cell’’ for intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) so that we at least have the eyes and ears to know what our enemies are doing. This is perhaps our most critical dependency on the US, especially in the context of Ukraine. National intelligence agencies that trust each other can pool their assets.

• Replace, as much as possible, the US extended nuclear deterrent by pooling the British and French nuclear deterrents. We can never fully replace the US, nor should we want to. The Northwood Declaration is a good starting point; make it clear that France and the UK consider all of the European Union as their common vital interest and develop delivery platforms that are independent of the US.

• Create pooled strategic enablers, procured, maintained and operated as one. Precedents for this already exist, like NATO's AWACS, the European Air Transport Command (EATC) and the Multinational Multi-Role Tanker Transport Fleet (MMF).

• Replace the 100,000 strong US rapid reaction force in Europe with a multinationally generated European force, building on existing NATO multinational units. Non-frontline states with large, non-committed standing forces could take the lead. National brigades fight under a common command. The rest of Europe can help finance, equip and base the force. This would be a permanent, standing force, not ineffective ad-hoc units like the EU Battlegroups.

• Make sure Ukraine wins and accelerate candidate countries' EU membership. The best way to ''buy time'' for Europe to get its defence in order is by making sure Russia loses its imperial war. Beyond this, EU membership can serve as a security guarantee and protect other countries that will join the European family.

Step two: Build a core European Defence Union with a group of willing countries

Europeanising NATO is not sufficient in the long run. Europeans might not always want to or be able to use NATO for operations. For example, what if an EU Member State that is not part of NATO is attacked, or attacked by another NATO state? It would also allow us to provide security guarantees in Ukraine with European boots on the ground. But getting 27 squabbling EU countries to merge their national armies into a European Army will take a lot of time and effort. Some, like Hungary, will actively obstruct, while others, like Ireland and Austria, maintain a neutral policy. Bigger countries are willing and able to do more. So, in the medium term, it's best to set up a kind of a start-up for the military: on top of national armies, and only by those who want to participate. More can join over time, so that it becomes an EU-wide policy, just like the successful examples of Schengen and the Euro. National parliaments stay in control, and no treaty change is required to make it happen.

• Set up a European Security Council, a kind of cabinet, to make decisions faster: with at least France, Germany, the UK, Poland, Spain, Italy and the EU Commission and European Council Presidents on board. This ESC can coordinate the armed forces integration of participating countries faster and provide a useful ''plan b'' in case NATO cannot be relied upon in an emergency.

• Activate PESCO (through article 42.6), so that the European countries wanting to move faster can do so. Have them deeply integrate their militaries and industries. PESCO already exists but has so far been limited to fragmented ''click and subscribe'' programmes of limited ambition, like a common medical command. This can be done by a majority vote; unanimity is not necessary.

• Centralise research, development, procurement and maintenance of military equipment. Moving to one common tank system instead of 17 will improve interoperability, create economies of scale, and ease logistics. A common authority procures on behalf of participating countries. Defence markets are fully integrated.

• Upgrade the MPCC, the EU's command and control headquarters so it can coordinate large scale collective defence operations. Its functions are currently limited to expeditionary operations taking place under the common security and defence policy (CSDP), like commanding the Rapid Deployment Capacity (RDC).

• Generate a supranational rapid reaction force of 300,000 soldiers. This would fulfil the current European targets under the NATO New Force Model. Unlike the 100,000 multinational forces under step one, this would be a truly integrated force.

• Operationalise article 42.7, the EU's collective defence clause. We need to develop clear doctrines, scenarios, and exercise regularly to make it credible.

• A Eurodeterrent. To prevent nuclear proliferation but ensure a sufficiently credible deterrence posture, countries can co-finance the Franco-British nuclear arsenals and develop a massed, conventional long-range deep precision strike capability.

Step three: Create a European Army under a democratic United States of Europe 

We can do a lot more together within the current treaties, and we don't have time to waste. A European NATO and a core European Defence Union will make sure Europe can defend itself without the US, but this is not sustainable in the long run. As more countries sign up and Europe becomes more of a ''pragmatic federation'' in many other areas, questions will arise about the democratic legitimacy of such a common force. At some point, a united army will require a united democracy to supervise it. Beyond this, a clear chain of command and rapid decision making leading down from a democratically elected government will improve the ability to respond to crises and prevent adversaries from playing ''divide and conquer'' against participating countries. Furthermore, there are limits to how much money can be saved and soldiers can work together without a common military culture. Eventually, we should take the leap to a real European Army.

• Establish the United States of Europe: a democratic, federal state with one foreign and security policy, an elected prime minister and defence minister. A democratic process leads to a common security strategy shared by European citizens. A clear and accountable chain of command improves effectiveness.

• Create supranational armed forces under the command of the United States of Europe, integrating and replacing most of national militaries. Countries can continue operating ''national guard'' style units for home defence. This force would be made up of European volunteers. Its responsibilities would be limited to collective defence of the EU and peacekeeping missions under UN mandate.

• Build a fully European deterrent, under the control of the United States of Europe. Responsibility for the nuclear button should not be dependent on the election outcome in a single European country, but the shared burden of all.

• Cultivate a European military culture from private to general. Common education, training and exercises create a shared culture. By transforming the European Security and Defence College into a full European Military Academy, we create generations of military personnel with a shared sense of civic duty.

• Embrace a high-tech European military doctrine. Europe does not need to fully replace the US to be able to deter Russia and keep our continent secure. Why should we have 10 aircraft carriers? By adopting lessons learned by Ukraine (drones, AI, decentralised networked communication) and leveraging the unique strengths of our own societies, technology and industry, we build a defence that is more cost effective and fit for purpose for our security needs.

None of this is easy, and it will take time to create a culture shift in our militaries. But some countries, like the Netherlands, France, Germany and the Scandinavians are already integrating significant parts of their armed forces. NATO and the EU already operate multinational battlegroups, units like AWACS, transport and refuelling aircraft. It's possible. In a world under threat by imperialism and spheres of influence, Europe needs to be able to defend its democracy, prosperity, values and green future with a European Army.

Suggested reading:

https://www.csis.org/analysis/how-europe-can-defend-itself-less-america 

https://www.iiss.org/research-paper/2025/05/defending-europe-without--the-united-states-costs-and-consequences/ 

https://www.bruegel.org/analysis/defending-europe-without-us-first-estimates-what-needed 

https://www.egmontinstitute.be/app/uploads/2025/05/Sven-Biscop_Policy_Brief_379_vFinal.pdf?type=pdf 

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/europe/europe-needs-army?utm_campaign=bs,tw&utm_content=&utm_medium=social&utm_source=bluesky,twitter 

https://hcss.nl/report/shields-and-spears/ 

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The EU was founded as a peace project, an answer to "never again", and an alternative to the empires of the past. It still is a success today. Is there a country that wants to join China, the USA or Russia voluntarily? No. But the EU does have that magnetic power, and many countries line up to join the EU. 


Still, Europe is not reaching its full potential and is under threat. Russia continues its war, destroying Ukraine. The US pursues imperialistic ambitions. Europe will become a vassal if we don't change. It is not enough for Europe to become resilient to survive. We must become independent to thrive. 


The old order is dead. Europe cannot continue to play by outdated rules. We can build a new order with allies, one where rules and values count.


Tomorrow, European leaders will meet to decide on Europe’s future. They believe that a little bit more cooperation is sufficient to survive. They are wrong. Europe must change – not a little, but a lot.


What we need is real independence. Democratic, military, economic, social, and material independence. Through different speeds or all at once. Volt has a plan.

We can build a better Europe together. One that acts faster, with more power, and is accountable to you, the people. A Europe that speaks with one voice and stands up for democracy and international law. A United States of Europe!

What would this actually look like? Here are the major changes we want.

Democratic independence

1. Power to the European people. We want all of us to have the power to elect a European government through real European elections, with European candidates and European parties!

2. End the vetocracy. We need to ditch the veto, the ability for a country to stop decisions. Dictators like Orbán cannot have a vote. Europe should make all decisions by majority.

3. Speak with one voice. We need a real European foreign minister to stand strong against dictators, defend international law without hypocrisy, stop wars, and prevent new ones.

Military independence

4. Fund freedom. We can save billions in spending through Eurobonds, joint procurement, breakthrough tech investment, a European DARPA (Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency), and a fully integrated defence industry.

5. Victory for Ukraine. We make sure Ukraine wins by using the frozen Russian assets, setting up a no-fly zone, accelerating membership, and defending any ceasefire with European forces.

6. A European army to keep the peace. We build a European command structure, EU-owned strategic enablers such as ISR (Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance), and a force of at least 250,000 soldiers ready to defend Europe.

Economic independence

7. Finance our future. We issue Eurobonds to invest in our climate neutral digital economy, complete the capital market and banking union, and make the Euro a global currency.

8. Thriving innovation. We set a European preference, remove all barriers in the single market, attract talent, establish ''EU Inc.'' and focus industrial policy on new European champions.

9. Embrace our friends. We accept many new EU members, forge equitable trade and development deals, and increase collaboration with democratic friends like the UK and Canada.

Digital independence

10. Protect the truth. We force social media to respect our values and fight foreign interference, build an EU public broadcaster, keep journalists safe, and enable social media alternatives.

11. A European ''tech stack''. We create a home-grown digital infrastructure as alternatives to the US, from A to Z: European AI, data, software, devices, cloud services, network and chips.

12. All government services use European tech. We make all government services on all levels use European software and have all data stored on European cloud services by 2030.


Social independence

13. A life you can afford. We build affordable homes through smart social housing and renovation projects. We invest in clean tech and a European grid to lower energy prices.

14. Culture at home. We sponsor film, music, etc. to stop seeing Europe through American glasses. Culture must not be a privilege but a force of solidarity, by investing in local artists.

15. Unlock human potential. We turn Erasmus into a universal European experience, invest in new skills and jobs, and give young people start-up capital for their lives and businesses.

Material independence

16. Our own energy. We invest in clean energy like wind, solar and nuclear and batteries to rid ourselves of foreign energy dependency, like LNG from the US, gas and oil from Russia.

17. Reclaim industrial leadership. We restore Europe as a manufacturing powerhouse by investing in new economic sectors like deep- and cleantech, and continental high-speed rail.

18. Resource our future. We invest in responsible mining, make equitable resource deals with partners, and accelerate recycling and circularity to ensure access to critical raw materials.

Do you agree? Well, your national leaders can make it happen tomorrow, by establishing a United States of Europe that can act to keep you safe and bring a better future closer to now!

So, what are you waiting for? Sign our petition!

Volt Europa expresses its deep concern over President Donald Trump’s continued statements regarding Greenland, made most recently at the World Economic Forum in Davos. By once again presenting Greenland’s future as a matter for negotiation or acquisition, in the name of U.S. security, President Trump is normalising the idea that the sovereignty of a democratic territory can be treated as a bargaining chip between powers. Such rhetoric, regardless of whether it is framed as diplomatic rather than military, is unacceptable. Greenland is not for sale, and its future can only be decided by the people of Greenland and the Kingdom of Denmark, in full respect of international law and democratic self-determination.

A people is not a product or asset to be traded or bought

President Trump often presents himself as a businessman. But states are not companies, territories are not products, and a people is not an asset to be bought or traded. Greenland is a society, with its own culture, democratic institutions, and aspirations, not a real-estate deal. Treating it as such is an affront to its people and to the principles on which the international order is built.

Attempts to justify annexation on grounds of “US security” or access to critical raw materials do not withstand scrutiny. The United States already maintains a military presence in Greenland, and Denmark has consistently demonstrated its reliability as a NATO ally, paying a disproportionate price in blood in Afghanistan and Iraq, and standing shoulder to shoulder with the US for decades. Moreover, Greenland is open to international economic cooperation and trade. Access to resources does not require coercion. What is at stake here is not security, but sovereignty.

Appeasement is not a strategy

For Europe, this moment is a test of credibility. Competing with each other to be the most accommodating to Trump subverts  the act of sovereignty, as Canada’s PM Mark Carney stated so clearly. We cannot continue to speak of mutual benefit when economic integration becomes a mechanism of dependence. What we are witnessing is not a gradual adjustment, but a clear rupture of the Western alliance. Trade, tariffs, financial systems and supply chains are used as tools of pressure and control. In this environment, European countries need to wake up to this new reality and unite. If they don’t,  European sovereignty will be nothing more than an illusion.

Europe must be clear, united, and prepared.

Defending sovereignty and democracy is not optional. History shows that giving in to threats and blackmail never leads to anything good. Appeasement only encourages more pressure. That is why firm boundaries should be set. Diplomacy alone is not enough. Europe’s top diplomats have made clear that they are ready to activate the so-called “big bazooka”, levying tariffs on €93bn of US goods, should the United States  move from rhetoric to action by imposing 10% tariffs on the eight countries that have deployed troops to Greenland. Europe’s strength lies in its market, its economic weight, and its financial power. The cost of any attempt to annex Greenland must clearly outweigh any perceived benefit.

Economy and national security are more linked than ever

This also requires Europe to finally reduce its strategic dependencies. As long as Europe remains reliant on the United States for defence, technology, and digital infrastructure, it will struggle to act with autonomy or credibility. Strategic autonomy is not anti-American, it is pro-European responsibility.

A stronger Europe makes for stronger alliances

Volt Europa stands firmly with the people of Greenland and Denmark. Greenland may be open for cooperation, but it is not a product, and its people are not for sale. Europe must be clear, united, and prepared, because sovereignty and democracy are only credible if they are defended consistently.

This is not only about Greenland. It is about the kind of Europe we choose to be. A Europe that looks away when pressured will be pressured again and again. A Europe that speaks clearly and acts together shapes its own future. From Greenland to Ukraine, the principle is the same: borders are non-negotiable, people are not bargaining chips, and power must be constrained by law.

Volt Europa exists to push Europe toward that choice for a united future. We must now have the courage to act, before that hesitation turns again into dependency. Because a stronger, united Europe is able to endure the global shift and ruptures of today and tomorrow.

By Mels Klabbers, Co-President of Volt Europa

Image source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AHands_off_Greenland_protest_against_Donald_Trump_in_Copenhagen.jpg?utm_source=chatgpt.com

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The current protests in Iran that started at the end of December 2025 mark a new peak in the country's political, economic, and social crisis. Faced with choking levels of inflation, anaemic economic growth, the breakdown of public infrastructure, a protracted water crisis, and intolerable political repression, including gender-based oppression, the Iranian people have taken to the streets to demand comprehensive political change - again. 

Decades of mismanagement of natural resources, cronyism, and the obstruction of personal and economic freedoms, together with international isolation, have brought the country to breaking point. The EU, home to a vibrant and large Iranian diaspora, cannot stand aside idly while the Iranian government confronts the justified demands of the Iranian people with deadly force.

There is no sign that the Iranian regime, seemingly more interested in clinging to power than in improving the living conditions of Iranians, will listen to those people. Just as it had with earlier movements, such as the Jin-Jyian-Azadi protests, which highlighted the abysmal human rights situation of women in Iran, Iran’s leaders are reacting with more repression and political violence. In particular, the drastic restriction of the internet is of great concern. This restriction is used by the authorities not only to monitor protests and block communications, but also to take targeted action against demonstrators with violence, mass arrests, and even executions. Furthermore, it limits the ability of the Iranian population to speak to the world and exercise their human rights.

As the Iranian people, especially young people and women, suffers from economic hardship, restricted access to healthcare, and a lack of political and personal prospects, we call on the EU and its Member States to take a clear stand, and actively support the people of Iran as follows:

1. Political solidarity: The EU’s political leadership and EU Member States must explicitly support the protests, condemn the regime's violence, and demand respect for human rights, including substantial political support for the people to form a democratic government.

2. Humanitarian support: EU-wide support for Iranians in exile must be guaranteed and at-risk political activists must be protected. Deportations to Iran must be suspended and visa procedures eased.

3. Targeted sanctions: Those responsible for human rights violations, in particular the revolutionary guards who continue to serve as the regime’s main tool in oppressing and terrorising civil society, should be subject to targeted measures, without placing additional burdens on the civilian population.

4. Protection of digital freedom: The EU should promote secure communication channels and provide technologies that ensure the flow of information within the country and circumvent censorship.

We at Volt stand firmly alongside the protesters, who are fighting for their rights, and call for a consistent, coordinated response from the EU. The people of Iran deserve the prospect of a better, democratic future, free of the choking constraints of a theocratic authoritarian regime and with the opportunities to capitalise on the innovativeness of Iranian civil society. Facing a world where the breakdown of the international order and the climate crisis pose serious challenges, especially to Iran, the EU could become a partner for a democratic Iran. For this to happen however, fundamental political change must happen in Iran - as the demonstrators are demanding.

Opinion piece by Maral Koohestanian & Sahak Ibrahimkhil

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We should not have to choose between celebrating the fall of a dictator like Maduro or the breakdown of the international order. 

Yet this is the impossible dilemma that the United States has presented us with through its intervention in Venezuela. From Sánchez in Spain, who signed a statement with several South American governments warning the US, to Meloni, who declared the intervention legitimate, European reactions have been varied, culminating in a statement by von der Leyen that was exceptionally devoid of political meaning. Ironically, this situation has provided an example of how the new US National Security Strategy exploits internal divisions within the EU to weaken us, a goal that has been explicitly stated.

However, we can choose not to remain immobile in the face of these events. Even in the face of the Commission's ineptitude, Member States could launch a European constituent assembly – an EU 2.0 – whose representatives are democratically and directly elected by citizens. They could also take action to create new supranational alliances to put pressure on authoritarian leaders such as Trump and hold them accountable for their actions – possibly abandoning the air of moral superiority and double standards that have alienated the Global South. 

Or even, without going that far, tomorrow the EU states could finally decide to activate Articles 42 and 46 of the treaties, laying the foundations for a common defense supervised by the Parliament. Furthermore, they could activate Article 311 and lay the foundations for a common tax system by creating their own economic resources, with the double benefit of stopping the fiscal hemorrhage caused by large multinationals evading taxes and supporting citizens who are tired of having to choose between financing wars and making ends meet.

Faced with a concrete threat such as a military attack, those who do not change are doomed to lose. The EU still has one last chance to rebuild the future.

Article by Francesca Romana D’Antuono, Co-President of Volt Europa

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The original article was published in Portuguese in Expresso on 16 December 2025: https://expresso.pt/opiniao/2025-12-16-estrategia-americana-2025-substituicao-nacionalismo-e-interferencia-4ef8f3bb-1

The text frames EU democracies as fragile, our leaders as illegitimate and our commitment to Ukraine as misguided. The accusations are so serious that they deserve to be shown in full:

“The Trump Administration finds itself at odds with European officials who hold unrealistic expectations for the war perched in unstable minority governments, many of which trample on basic principles of democracy to suppress opposition.”
 [Translation: The Trump Administration finds itself at odds with European officials, who have unrealistic expectations regarding the war, and are in unstable minority governments, many of which violate basic principles of democracy to suppress opposition.]

This isn’t a mere jab to European leadership, it’s a pretext. By undermining the legitimacy of the pro-Ukraine coalition, it prepares the ground for another step disguised as strategic common sense: pushing Europe to accept a settlement on Russia’s terms.

Further the report continues that the U.S. should focus on “Ending the perception, and preventing the reality, of NATO as a perpetually expanding alliance.” If Moscow had said this, no one would be surprised. In fact, Putin  stated as much in the Munich speech of 2007. Yet it is not Moscow talking, it is Washington.

The same pages of the report offer warm praise to far-right forces: “America encourages its political allies in Europe to promote this revival of spirit, and the growing influence of patriotic European parties indeed gives cause for great optimism.”

This is a ringing endorsement for parties like Chega in Portugal and their peers elsewhere, parties that have spent years corroding our democratic institutions and promoting outlandish conspiracy theories.

The most concerning part, however, is a not-so-subtle promotion of the Replacement Theory: “Within a few decades… certain NATO members will become majority non-European.”

This is a completely invented scenario circulating among the far-right. A theory in between quotation marks. And yet, it comes with an American seal strongly suggesting that our own  European citizens, if they look different, are untrustworthy. This is racist, pure and simple.

Finally, the document calls for:“Cultivating resistance to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations.” Plainly stated: fostering internal opposition to the European Union within member states. This is an active political subversion of our democracies, sanctioned at the highest level.

Europe cannot react again with vague statements asking for “more dialogue.” The world is changing rapidly, yet we continue to act as if the U.S. is always the adult in the room. These are old reflexes of transatlantic loyalty which are rapidly becoming dangerous.

We must learn to live in a world where the U.S. is drifting toward ideological alignment with autocracies like China and Russia. On what grounds? They share a belief in spheres of influence, legitimizing domination over smaller surrounding countries. Most worryingly, they believe in rewriting history through military power. 

We saw this with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. And now the US is mirroring it with unlawful aggressive actions against Venezuela. We hold no sympathy for the corrupt and undemocratic Maduro government in Venezuela, however unlawful aggression will only produce another Libya or Syria scenario, not democracy. Real problems like corruption, drugs and instability are becoming a mere tool to justify aggressive behaviour. 

If that was not enough, Washington is drafting the script for our own future. Enough. We must leave behind reliance on “Daddy” America for defense, grow up and become the adults in the room in a world increasingly dominated by imperialist rhetoric. This means we need a European Union capable of acting as one: a Union with a democratically elected government, common debt to finance security, a real shared defense capability, unified foreign policy to protect citizens and values and the political courage to stand on our own.

The numbers are there. Europe’s productivity lags the U.S. by over 30% in GDP per capita terms, largely due to underinvestment in key sectors (see Draghi Report). Defence spending is fractured, with 12 tank models in use across member states compared to one in the U.S. Innovation suffers from red tape and fragmented markets. While Europe has talented researchers, capital and scale often vanish across the Atlantic.

We can no longer pretend to be surprised by these patterns. We know what the obstacles are: lack of focus, duplicated national efforts, endless vetoes. The solution is not more diagnosis. It is action. Europe must invest in its own defence industrial base, jointly procure and close the energy price gap by becoming serious on renewables. We have the population, the savings, the talent. What we need is political courage.

The alternative is clear. Remain fragmented, and we will be manipulated, outpaced and strategically sidelined. The best case scenario? To be trampled over by Trumpism. It is time for Europe to become an actor, or it could continue avoiding making strategic choices and transform into a target.

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Across Europe, careful recent analysis shows this is not a marginal problem. The European Institute for Gender Equality’s (EIGE) report on cyberviolence documents a wide spectrum of harms and highlights how the digital dimension magnifies risks and complicates remedies. Online abuse is not a niche tech problem - it is a core gender-equality issue.

What is the problem and how does existing legislation address it?

What exactly is cyberviolence against women and girls (CVAWG)? According to the EIGE report, “CVAWG is an intersectional form of violence with different patterns and levels of vulnerability: (1) cyber stalking, (2) cyber harassment, (3) cyber bullying, (4) online gender-based hate speech, and (5) non-consensual intimate image abuse.” However, there is no harmonised definition or legal response on the EU-level to the phenomenon yet. This article will focus specifically on the phenomenon of deepfake pornography. 

Although the European Union has already taken important steps to tackle harmful content online, gaps persist. The Digital Services Act (DSA) obliges platforms to manage systemic risks and set clearer notice-and-action systems for illegal content, including non-consensual pornographic content. However, this requirement only tackles the issue retroactively and does not prevent the creation of such imagery. 

Although the AI Act specifically references deepfakes, it does so in a way that is purely concerned with transparency, merely requiring them to be labelled, in order for citizens to be able to recognise their artificial nature. 

However, the AI Act makes no mention of sexually-explicit deepfakes, depicting pornographic images of women and girls without their consent, especially not in its list of prohibited AI systems and practices. This highlights the failure to recognise that CVAWG is not a private problem and needs to be addressed on the political stage in order to enable women to fulfil their full potential in the public and private sphere. 

The recently adopted Directive on combating violence against women addresses part of the problem. It criminalises the non-consensual production and dissemination of manipulated intimate material, including making a person appear to engage in sexual acts and sharing such content without their consent when it is likely to cause serious harm (Article 5). It also obliges Member States to provide victim support services, online reporting tools, removal orders and rapid evidence preservation. But as a Directive, it sets only minimum rules and leaves broad discretion in transposition and enforcement, risking fragmentation and uneven protection across borders.

In 2023, Deepfake pornography made up 98% of all deepfake videos online, with 99% of the individuals targeted in deepfake pornography being women, according to a report from Security Hero. The same report highlights that deepfake pornography is extremely easy and cheap to create, and emphasises that “74% of deepfake pornography users don't feel guilty about it.” This clearly highlights that CVAWG is anchored in the social inequality between men and women, requiring legal intervention.

Research by the European Sex Workers’ Rights Alliance (ESWA) reinforces this picture. Image-based sexual abuse, including manipulated intimate images, disproportionately affects marginalised groups. LGBTQIA+ people and sex workers face especially high rates, with sex workers also exposed to financial losses, outing, and retaliation. The report shows that victims often struggle to have abusive images removed because platforms respond slowly or are designed in ways that shift responsibility onto users. This form of victim-blaming forces individuals to take on heavy self-protection burdens instead of requiring platforms to prevent the abuse.

It remains crucial to distinguish between consensual adult sexual expression, including sex work, and non-consensual image-based abuse. Measures against deepfake pornography must be precise and grounded in consent and autonomy, not stigma, to avoid harming those whose livelihoods rely on digital spaces.

No more glitches: fixing Europe’s response 

Volt demands the following elements to safeguard the rights of women and girls online, while recognising the rights and autonomy of sex workers:

1. The AI Act must include AI systems used to primarily create non-consensual deepfake pornography on its list of prohibitions. Sexually explicit synthetic content should only be lawful where the creator or distributor possesses verifiable, explicit consent from the person depicted. In all other cases, the content shall be presumed non-consensual and treated as image-based sexual abuse. 

2. Member states should criminalise the creation and sharing of non-consensual deepfake pornography, following the example of the UK and South Korea, while recognising the rights of sex workers. Effective enforcement is entirely possible, as demonstrated by South Korea’s approach. Dedicated training for law-enforcement officials enables them to recognise manipulated sexualised content and respond appropriately. Specialised police cyber units should actively monitor platforms where non-consensual deepfake pornography is frequently shared, and collaborate with hosting services to identify perpetrators.

3. Directive (EU) 2024/1385 on combating violence against women must be rapidly and ambitiously transposed into national legislation and the DSA effectively enforced in a gender sensitive manner. 

4. Cross-border victim support is essential. Digital abuse does not stop at borders; we need EU-funded rapid-response units, legal assistance funds, and faster takedown and evidence-preservation mechanisms so victims can secure remedies and protection quickly.

5. Platforms must be required to implement tools to help detect non-consensual or manipulated intimate imagery, which could be aided by AI, and reporting mechanisms, empowering citizens to report suspected non-consensual deepfake pornography. 

6. Prevention and resilience must be funded. Education campaigns, digital literacy for girls and boys, and trauma-informed support services must be core lines in the next Multiannual Financial Framework and in national budgets.

Building the digital future we want 

If we fail to act decisively now, digital violence will continue to entrench gender inequality, and silence the voices of women and girls both off- and online. Entire generations risk growing up in spaces where fear, humiliation and abuse are routine, undermining their ability to participate fully in public, professional and creative life.

By treating cyberviolence as a core gender-equality issue, Europe can reclaim digital spaces as safe, empowering and inclusive. The choices we make today will determine whether the internet becomes a tool for liberation or a platform for perpetuating harm - Volt must champion the former.

Opinion article by Nina Hamann, Policy Shaper for Women’s Rights & Gender Inclusivity

WRomCom (Women’s Rights & Gender Inclusivity Community)

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Since 2023, the civil war in Sudan, mainly fought between the government-controlled Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), has devastated the country, with more than 150,000 people believed to have died. More than 12 million Sudanese have been displaced, of whom 5 million are thought to be children, according to UNHCR estimates. The already strained Sudanese healthcare system has collapsed and food insecurity and famine are adding up to a severe humanitarian crisis. Reports on war crimes and atrocities committed by both sides are widespread and well documented. Horrifying accounts linked to the fall of the city of El Fasher, including ethnically targeted massacres, bombing of displacement camps and widespread sexual violence, betray a systematic campaign of terror by the RSF. 

The conflict is fueled by international actors, with a UN weapons embargo in place on the Darfur region since 2004 being routinely undermined. A leaked UN report implied the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is providing weapons to the RSF, while Amnesty International presented evidence for weapons routed to Sudan stemming from UAE, Serbia, Russia, China, Turkey, and Yemen. Even British-made weapons have reportedly ended up in the conflict region, with UAE again being suspected at the core of a smuggling route via Chad - a claim UAE vehemently denies. 

Given the severity of the situation in Sudan, Volt welcomes the resolution of the European Parliament calling for a more comprehensive and internationally enforced weapons embargo, extending the existing embargo to the entirety of Sudan. Volt also supports calls for the investigations of the International Court of Justice into the atrocities in Darfur to be extended in scope, in the hope that justice can be served for the many victims of this raging conflict. Volt joins the clear and strong condemnation of gender-based and sexual violence towards children and women, the targeting of civilians, ethnically motivated mass murder and the systematic destruction of civilian infrastructure. Humanitarian corridors must be opened immediately to those in need, in particular to the focal points of the humanitarian crisis in El Fasher, Kadugli and El Obeid. In line with the resolution of the European Parliament, we call on the EU to increase the financing of aid in Sudan and the neighbouring countries directly affected by the flows of refugees, in particular since the international aid system is under severe financial stress after the irresponsible dismantling of USAID through the Trump administration.

International profiteering from the conflict has to stop, and we call on the EU to step up in the fight against illicit financing networks based on resource smuggling and arms trafficking. In this aspect, the resolution of the European Parliament falls undeniably short, failing to address the countries that are keeping the conflict going for their own gain directly. Volt therefore calls on the EU to raise the topic of Sudan’s civil war in the ongoing trade negotiations with the UAE, making a successful conclusion conditional on credible steps of the UAE to stop the flow of weapons to the RSF. 

Volt Europa stands in complete solidarity with the Sudanese people. We urge the EU and the international community to back a credible path to a civilian-led transition and sustainable peace. A responsible European foreign policy, in face of the severity of the Sudanese humanitarian crisis and the evidence for systematic war crimes, must base itself in holding up international law and fundamental rights. In the same vein, EU trade policy, and thus the ongoing trade negotiations with UAE, cannot be separated from international law and human rights violations. On the contrary, it must reflect the universality of human rights unequivocally. 

Image by Henry Wilkins/VOA, via Wikimedia Commons (Public domain).
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