But if we stop at celebration, we miss the deeper story.

Hungary’s recent history has exposed the structural contradictions of today’s European Union.

For over a decade, Orbán was not an outsider. His party, Fidesz, sat comfortably within the European People’s Party, the main centre-right political family in Europe and the same grouping Ursula von der Leyen sits in. During those years, the erosion of democratic norms in Hungary was visible and yet largely tolerated.

This is not a Hungarian anomaly. It is a European failure.

The rise of illiberal leaders across the continent did not happen in a vacuum. It followed a decade marked by overlapping crises: the financial crash of 2008, the Eurozone crisis of 2012, the migration crisis of 2015, the pandemic, and now the chaos that geopolitical and energy crises have brought to us.

Too often, the EU’s response to these crises has been perceived as technocratic, punitive, and detached. Austerity policies, imposed without sufficient democratic ownership, have fed a sense of alienation. When decisions that deeply affect people’s lives appear to be taken by distant, unelected actors, political backlash is not a surprise, it is a consequence.

Orbán’s system was built on that backlash. But it went further.

Over the years, Hungary developed a political model that combined electoral competition with structural imbalance: media capture, institutional pressure, and electoral reforms designed to favour the ruling party. This is why yesterday’s result is widely seen as remarkable. Winning against such a system is not just a political victory. It is a structural disruption.

And yet, this is not the end of the story.

Hungary’s new Prime Minister, Péter Magyar, represents a break with Orbán’s leadership. This is good: Hungarians deserve honesty and rebuilding institutions that were systematically dismantled over sixteen years takes time. So does restoring judicial independence, rebuilding a free media landscape, reforming public education, unwinding the networks of political patronage that run deep through the economy. None of this happens in one parliamentary term, and none of it happens without resistance. That is the reality of rebuilding a state that was deliberately hollowed out. At the same time Magyar does not represent necessarily a break with the broader ideological landscape of European centre-right politics. It is clear, for example, that on issues such as migration, continuity rather than rupture is defined in the coming years.

This matters because the real question is not just who governs Hungary, but what kind of Europe emerges from this moment.

Orbán’s defeat weakens a key obstacle to a more coherent European foreign policy, particularly on Ukraine and relations with Russia. But the deeper challenge remains: Europe still lacks the political capacity to act as a unified power.

Without a common foreign policy, a shared defence framework, and genuine democratic legitimacy across borders, the European Union will continue to react rather than lead.

Hungary’s election is therefore both a success and a warning.

A success, because democratic change is still possible; a warning, because the conditions that enabled Orbán’s rise have not disappeared.

If Europe wants to prevent the next Orbán, it must go beyond managing crises. It must address their root causes: inequality, democratic distance, and the absence of a truly European political space.

Otherwise, this victory will remain an exception rather than the beginning of a new European trajectory.

By Francesca Romana D'Antuono and Mels Klabbers, Co-Presidents of Volt

Image source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/50/Peter_Magyar.Viktor_Orban.jpg

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In the illegally occupied West Bank, a systematic policy of displacement, expropriation and violence against the Palestinian population is being advanced. What is happening is not accidental – rather, it is a deliberate, clearly communicated process affecting large parts of Area C, the Jordan Valley and increasingly Area B. With the support or acquiescence of Israeli security forces, a policy is being implemented that aims to permanently prevent Palestinian self-determination and to cement the de facto annexation of the West Bank.

This current wave of violence follows a disturbingly consistent pattern. First, illegal outposts are established, then Palestinian shepherd and Bedouin communities are denied access to water and grazing land, until, finally, brutal attacks on property and people by Israeli settler terrorists force residents to flee. Since 7 October 2023 alone, 4,037 Palestinians have been displaced in this manner. Entire communities simply no longer exist.

The role of the Israeli government in this practice is particularly alarming. Security forces often act hand in hand with settlers. Meanwhile, families defending their land are imprisoned and mistreated. The International Court of Justice made it clear in July 2024 that the displacement in the West Bank driven by settler violence and land seizure is a prohibited “forcible transfer.” Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, this practice qualifies as a war crime and must be consistently sanctioned under international law.

Furthermore, the Israeli security cabinet announced in early February that it would allow Israelis to acquire land in the unlawfully occupied Palestinian territories. The announcement therefore represents a further step towards the de facto annexation of the West Bank, and contradicts international law as well as existing international agreements.

Israeli settlers set fire to homes and vehicles in several locations in the illegally occupied West Bank on March 22, 2026, injuring at least one person, including in al-Fandaqumiya and Seilat al-Dahr near Jenin. Further attacks were reported in Masafer Yatta, Qaryut, and Jalud, in some cases under the protection of Israeli security forces. There were also incidents of stone-throwing at vehicles. Such incidents are part of a growing wave of violence since October 2023, in which more than 1,000 Palestinians have been killed in the West Bank.

Volt calls on the EU and its Member States to take decisive and immediate action to halt these measures and ensure accountability for violations of international law:

1. Suspend the EU-Israel Association Agreement for as long as the Israeli government violates international law.
   
   

2. Immediately halt imports and exports of all goods originating from the illegally occupied territories that Israel declares as Israeli goods.
   
   

3. Impose EU sanctions on settler organisations and on individual politicians and ministers who support settler terrorism.

This is a matter of nothing less than the right to life, security and dignity for an entire people. The EU must finally send clear signals, end its double standards and actively defend compliance with international law. Volt will not be silent until the systematic violence in the West Bank ends.

Image source: https://mondoweiss.net/2024/11/photo-essay-the-silent-displacement-in-the-west-bank/#:~:text=As%20the%20world%20has%20focused,Bank%20following%20October%207%2C%202023.

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What is the current escalating situation in Iran?

In Iran, repression has significantly intensified. Independent human rights observers and activists report that thousands of civilians have been killed, with some estimates suggesting tens of thousands of deaths during the brutal crackdown by Iranian security forces. Throughout January 2026 waves of arrests continued, accompanied by accusations of torture and coercion, but the exact number of people arrested since the start of the protests has remained not fully disclosed. 

Unarmed protesters, bystanders, and even children have been shot with live ammunition. Doctors who dare to treat the wounded have been arrested and are awaiting execution. An increasing number of protesters, activists and organisers have been sentenced to death, with mass executions surging in recent weeks. The internet has been shut down to keep the truth of these violent acts hidden. For this reason, the European Union has taken action, adding Iran's Revolutionary Guards to the terrorist list, while still maintaining open diplomatic channels.

At the same time, the United States has issued an ultimatum to Iran, threatening military intervention. Trump is demanding Iran make a “deal” regarding its nuclear programme while also using rhetoric about stopping the killings of protesters, instrumentalising their suffering as a geopolitical leverage. In response, the Islamic Republic's Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi stated that the country's armed forces were ready, "with their fingers on the trigger [to] immediately and powerfully respond" to any aggression by land or sea.

Diplomatic talks between the US and Iran are taking place in Oman. These are the first since the US attacked Iran’s nuclear facilities in June 2025. The discussion is aimed at addressing Iran’s nuclear programme and broader regional security issues. There is heightened tension, as the wide-ranging demands advanced by Trump – pushing for more than just nuclear agreements – risk putting the entire diplomatic effort at stake, at a moment when the window for meaningful progress is already narrow.

What kind of action are we calling for now?

The situation of the Iranian people is devastating and urgent. Decisive action by the international community is needed sooner rather than later to intervene in the face of a mounting number of civilian deaths and unlawful executions on a daily basis. 

The US is threatening military intervention with the main goal of destroying Iranian nuclear and defensive capability, which would require weeks of sustained overhead bombardment. While claiming that liberation of the Iranian people and regime change are key goals of the intervention, the US has not proposed any credible strategy for long-term democratic change or stability in connection to these threats.

A US-led military intervention that bypasses international law would not ensure a peaceful transition of power or the urgently needed relief for the Iranian people. Simultaneously this would significantly weaken the international rules-based order and further embed a dangerous precedent of unilateral military aggression and infringement of self-determination on the international stage. Europe must firmly insist on compliance with international law, in particular the unlawful use of military force.

Instead, we demand decisive action by the United Nations Security Council in compliance with the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle, which ensures that the international community protects populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. Where a state manifestly fails to protect its population from mass atrocities, the international community has a responsibility to act collectively, through lawful and proportionate measures mandated by the Security Council. 

The UNSC must assess the situation accordingly and should mandate a multilateral, NATO led operation meant to put significant pressure on the regime under the legal argument of R2P to stop arbitrary violence and mass killings inflicted by the Iranian government. Such an operation must prioritise civilian protection, prevent further atrocities, and lay the groundwork for democratic reconstruction.

However, we realise that the UNSC is currently deadlocked and needs to be urgently reformed. In the absence of a UN mandate, the next best thing would be a multilateral operation with broad participation, in compliance with R2P. Europe should unite so that in the long run, it can speak with one voice in the world and help build a rules based order that can act faster and decisively to protect human rights everywhere.

In addition, Europe must play an active role in de-escalating tensions, strengthening Iranian civil society, enabling humanitarian support and guaranteeing asylum for the politically persecuted and those fleeing human rights violations, while using all diplomatic tools available to ensure that any use of force is grounded in international legality and multilateral legitimacy.

Inaction in the face of mass repression and large scale human rights violations is not an option. Accountability for the killings of protesters and the violent suppression of dissent must be pursued through legal mechanisms, including independent investigations through the Human Rights Council. At the EU level, Member States can rely on universal jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute individuals responsible for grave international crimes. The European Union should actively facilitate and coordinate these processes.

We stand with the Iranian people, who have been protesting against the illegitimate regime for decades, calling for an end to repression, respect for basic freedoms, accountability for abuses, and the right to shape their country’s future. 

Our Iranian friends need solidarity, not silence. 

They need principled international action grounded in law and legitimacy, not unlawful unilateral intervention. And above all, they deserve to be heard.  

Image: By Vahid Online, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=182747312

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We have talked before about why we need a European Army. NATO, which keeps us safe from outside threats, doesn't work without the US. But the US is currently unreliable at best, and an enemy at worst. If Greenland or the Baltics were attacked tomorrow, Europe would not be prepared with 27 divided little armies. Europe is a peace project, and peace must be defended. To protect our shared freedom, prosperity, and a positive future, we need to deter those who want to destroy it. In the long run, integrated armed forces would also save hundreds of billions of euros from fragmentation, make our forces more effective in the field, and solidify Europe's geopolitical position in an increasingly unstable world. 

A growing majority of Europeans now want a European Army instead of national armies.

The European Commissioner for Defence has said that Europe needs 100,000 common troops and a ''big bang'' on how defence is governed: not 27 little armies but one defence force that can keep us all safe. Some Member States, like Spain, are also openly in favour.

So European citizens, experts and officials agree that we need a European Army.

But how would such a European Army actually look like?

Let's first see what we need to achieve. Experts agree on the three most critical urgencies to replace the US role in NATO and build the European defence autonomy:

• Leadership. We lack a unified command and control structure that can direct our forces with homegrown infrastructure, doctrines, and exercises.

• Forces. We have a gap of around 300,000 soldiers that are actually ready to respond to any aggression, with harmonised equipment, culture and training.

• Capabilities. We lack the key capabilities, so called ''strategic enablers'' to make those troops fight effectively, like intelligence, surveillance and logistics.

This is not a choice between NATO or a European Army. We want to make sure NATO works properly with a European pillar, which is best achieved through an autonomous European Defence Union. Think of it this way: the US currently provides most of its contributions to NATO under US European Command. We want to build a European counterpart to that.

Finally, the EU cannot do this alone. Ukraine in particular can fill critical gaps in our readiness with its large, battle-hardened military, and innovative technologies. Partners like the UK, Norway, Canada and EU candidate countries will also be essential. How do we get this in order, the quickest, sustainable and most effective way possible? Let's take it in three steps, from most urgent to most future-proof: NATO, EDU, and the European Army.

Step one: Make NATO Trump-proof through European leadership

We have to accept that we cannot immediately replace the US security umbrella. But we need an emergency plan in case the US suddenly leaves NATO. You don't want to order a brand-new fire extinguisher online when your house is on fire; you want to use the old and ugly one, even if you need to fix its missing parts with duct tape. NATO has decades of experience in organising collective defence in Europe. If we start from scratch, Russia will exploit the transition period to strike Europe while it's disorganised. Besides: NATO will continue to be the best framework for a future autonomous European Defence to work together with our allies. So, what can we do to make NATO work better for us?

• Replace NATO's Supreme Allied Commander (SACEUR), and its operational and tactical component commands, with European officers. This process is already underway but needs to be accelerated. NATO's Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) should also be staffed by more European personnel.

• Replace US situational awareness and battlefield management systems with our own, for example by scaling up Ukraine's ''DELTA'' system. This applies to all the digital hardware and software we use to keep our militaries running. 

• Set up a ‘’fusion cell’’ for intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) so that we at least have the eyes and ears to know what our enemies are doing. This is perhaps our most critical dependency on the US, especially in the context of Ukraine. National intelligence agencies that trust each other can pool their assets.

• Replace, as much as possible, the US extended nuclear deterrent by pooling the British and French nuclear deterrents. We can never fully replace the US, nor should we want to. The Northwood Declaration is a good starting point; make it clear that France and the UK consider all of the European Union as their common vital interest and develop delivery platforms that are independent of the US.

• Create pooled strategic enablers, procured, maintained and operated as one. Precedents for this already exist, like NATO's AWACS, the European Air Transport Command (EATC) and the Multinational Multi-Role Tanker Transport Fleet (MMF).

• Replace the 100,000 strong US rapid reaction force in Europe with a multinationally generated European force, building on existing NATO multinational units. Non-frontline states with large, non-committed standing forces could take the lead. National brigades fight under a common command. The rest of Europe can help finance, equip and base the force. This would be a permanent, standing force, not ineffective ad-hoc units like the EU Battlegroups.

• Make sure Ukraine wins and accelerate candidate countries' EU membership. The best way to ''buy time'' for Europe to get its defence in order is by making sure Russia loses its imperial war. Beyond this, EU membership can serve as a security guarantee and protect other countries that will join the European family.

Step two: Build a core European Defence Union with a group of willing countries

Europeanising NATO is not sufficient in the long run. Europeans might not always want to or be able to use NATO for operations. For example, what if an EU Member State that is not part of NATO is attacked, or attacked by another NATO state? It would also allow us to provide security guarantees in Ukraine with European boots on the ground. But getting 27 squabbling EU countries to merge their national armies into a European Army will take a lot of time and effort. Some, like Hungary, will actively obstruct, while others, like Ireland and Austria, maintain a neutral policy. Bigger countries are willing and able to do more. So, in the medium term, it's best to set up a kind of a start-up for the military: on top of national armies, and only by those who want to participate. More can join over time, so that it becomes an EU-wide policy, just like the successful examples of Schengen and the Euro. National parliaments stay in control, and no treaty change is required to make it happen.

• Set up a European Security Council, a kind of cabinet, to make decisions faster: with at least France, Germany, the UK, Poland, Spain, Italy and the EU Commission and European Council Presidents on board. This ESC can coordinate the armed forces integration of participating countries faster and provide a useful ''plan b'' in case NATO cannot be relied upon in an emergency.

• Activate PESCO (through article 42.6), so that the European countries wanting to move faster can do so. Have them deeply integrate their militaries and industries. PESCO already exists but has so far been limited to fragmented ''click and subscribe'' programmes of limited ambition, like a common medical command. This can be done by a majority vote; unanimity is not necessary.

• Centralise research, development, procurement and maintenance of military equipment. Moving to one common tank system instead of 17 will improve interoperability, create economies of scale, and ease logistics. A common authority procures on behalf of participating countries. Defence markets are fully integrated.

• Upgrade the MPCC, the EU's command and control headquarters so it can coordinate large scale collective defence operations. Its functions are currently limited to expeditionary operations taking place under the common security and defence policy (CSDP), like commanding the Rapid Deployment Capacity (RDC).

• Generate a supranational rapid reaction force of 300,000 soldiers. This would fulfil the current European targets under the NATO New Force Model. Unlike the 100,000 multinational forces under step one, this would be a truly integrated force.

• Operationalise article 42.7, the EU's collective defence clause. We need to develop clear doctrines, scenarios, and exercise regularly to make it credible.

• A Eurodeterrent. To prevent nuclear proliferation but ensure a sufficiently credible deterrence posture, countries can co-finance the Franco-British nuclear arsenals and develop a massed, conventional long-range deep precision strike capability.

Step three: Create a European Army under a democratic United States of Europe 

We can do a lot more together within the current treaties, and we don't have time to waste. A European NATO and a core European Defence Union will make sure Europe can defend itself without the US, but this is not sustainable in the long run. As more countries sign up and Europe becomes more of a ''pragmatic federation'' in many other areas, questions will arise about the democratic legitimacy of such a common force. At some point, a united army will require a united democracy to supervise it. Beyond this, a clear chain of command and rapid decision making leading down from a democratically elected government will improve the ability to respond to crises and prevent adversaries from playing ''divide and conquer'' against participating countries. Furthermore, there are limits to how much money can be saved and soldiers can work together without a common military culture. Eventually, we should take the leap to a real European Army.

• Establish the United States of Europe: a democratic, federal state with one foreign and security policy, an elected prime minister and defence minister. A democratic process leads to a common security strategy shared by European citizens. A clear and accountable chain of command improves effectiveness.

• Create supranational armed forces under the command of the United States of Europe, integrating and replacing most of national militaries. Countries can continue operating ''national guard'' style units for home defence. This force would be made up of European volunteers. Its responsibilities would be limited to collective defence of the EU and peacekeeping missions under UN mandate.

• Build a fully European deterrent, under the control of the United States of Europe. Responsibility for the nuclear button should not be dependent on the election outcome in a single European country, but the shared burden of all.

• Cultivate a European military culture from private to general. Common education, training and exercises create a shared culture. By transforming the European Security and Defence College into a full European Military Academy, we create generations of military personnel with a shared sense of civic duty.

• Embrace a high-tech European military doctrine. Europe does not need to fully replace the US to be able to deter Russia and keep our continent secure. Why should we have 10 aircraft carriers? By adopting lessons learned by Ukraine (drones, AI, decentralised networked communication) and leveraging the unique strengths of our own societies, technology and industry, we build a defence that is more cost effective and fit for purpose for our security needs.

None of this is easy, and it will take time to create a culture shift in our militaries. But some countries, like the Netherlands, France, Germany and the Scandinavians are already integrating significant parts of their armed forces. NATO and the EU already operate multinational battlegroups, units like AWACS, transport and refuelling aircraft. It's possible. In a world under threat by imperialism and spheres of influence, Europe needs to be able to defend its democracy, prosperity, values and green future with a European Army.

Suggested reading:

https://www.csis.org/analysis/how-europe-can-defend-itself-less-america 

https://www.iiss.org/research-paper/2025/05/defending-europe-without--the-united-states-costs-and-consequences/ 

https://www.bruegel.org/analysis/defending-europe-without-us-first-estimates-what-needed 

https://www.egmontinstitute.be/app/uploads/2025/05/Sven-Biscop_Policy_Brief_379_vFinal.pdf?type=pdf 

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/europe/europe-needs-army?utm_campaign=bs,tw&utm_content=&utm_medium=social&utm_source=bluesky,twitter 

https://hcss.nl/report/shields-and-spears/ 

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The EU was founded as a peace project, an answer to "never again", and an alternative to the empires of the past. It still is a success today. Is there a country that wants to join China, the USA or Russia voluntarily? No. But the EU does have that magnetic power, and many countries line up to join the EU. 


Still, Europe is not reaching its full potential and is under threat. Russia continues its war, destroying Ukraine. The US pursues imperialistic ambitions. Europe will become a vassal if we don't change. It is not enough for Europe to become resilient to survive. We must become independent to thrive. 


The old order is dead. Europe cannot continue to play by outdated rules. We can build a new order with allies, one where rules and values count.


Tomorrow, European leaders will meet to decide on Europe’s future. They believe that a little bit more cooperation is sufficient to survive. They are wrong. Europe must change – not a little, but a lot.


What we need is real independence. Democratic, military, economic, social, and material independence. Through different speeds or all at once. Volt has a plan.

We can build a better Europe together. One that acts faster, with more power, and is accountable to you, the people. A Europe that speaks with one voice and stands up for democracy and international law. A United States of Europe!

What would this actually look like? Here are the major changes we want.

Democratic independence

1. Power to the European people. We want all of us to have the power to elect a European government through real European elections, with European candidates and European parties!

2. End the vetocracy. We need to ditch the veto, the ability for a country to stop decisions. Dictators like Orbán cannot have a vote. Europe should make all decisions by majority.

3. Speak with one voice. We need a real European foreign minister to stand strong against dictators, defend international law without hypocrisy, stop wars, and prevent new ones.

Military independence

4. Fund freedom. We can save billions in spending through Eurobonds, joint procurement, breakthrough tech investment, a European DARPA (Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency), and a fully integrated defence industry.

5. Victory for Ukraine. We make sure Ukraine wins by using the frozen Russian assets, setting up a no-fly zone, accelerating membership, and defending any ceasefire with European forces.

6. A European army to keep the peace. We build a European command structure, EU-owned strategic enablers such as ISR (Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance), and a force of at least 250,000 soldiers ready to defend Europe.

Economic independence

7. Finance our future. We issue Eurobonds to invest in our climate neutral digital economy, complete the capital market and banking union, and make the Euro a global currency.

8. Thriving innovation. We set a European preference, remove all barriers in the single market, attract talent, establish ''EU Inc.'' and focus industrial policy on new European champions.

9. Embrace our friends. We accept many new EU members, forge equitable trade and development deals, and increase collaboration with democratic friends like the UK and Canada.

Digital independence

10. Protect the truth. We force social media to respect our values and fight foreign interference, build an EU public broadcaster, keep journalists safe, and enable social media alternatives.

11. A European ''tech stack''. We create a home-grown digital infrastructure as alternatives to the US, from A to Z: European AI, data, software, devices, cloud services, network and chips.

12. All government services use European tech. We make all government services on all levels use European software and have all data stored on European cloud services by 2030.


Social independence

13. A life you can afford. We build affordable homes through smart social housing and renovation projects. We invest in clean tech and a European grid to lower energy prices.

14. Culture at home. We sponsor film, music, etc. to stop seeing Europe through American glasses. Culture must not be a privilege but a force of solidarity, by investing in local artists.

15. Unlock human potential. We turn Erasmus into a universal European experience, invest in new skills and jobs, and give young people start-up capital for their lives and businesses.

Material independence

16. Our own energy. We invest in clean energy like wind, solar and nuclear and batteries to rid ourselves of foreign energy dependency, like LNG from the US, gas and oil from Russia.

17. Reclaim industrial leadership. We restore Europe as a manufacturing powerhouse by investing in new economic sectors like deep- and cleantech, and continental high-speed rail.

18. Resource our future. We invest in responsible mining, make equitable resource deals with partners, and accelerate recycling and circularity to ensure access to critical raw materials.

Do you agree? Well, your national leaders can make it happen tomorrow, by establishing a United States of Europe that can act to keep you safe and bring a better future closer to now!

So, what are you waiting for? Sign our petition!

Volt Europa expresses its deep concern over President Donald Trump’s continued statements regarding Greenland, made most recently at the World Economic Forum in Davos. By once again presenting Greenland’s future as a matter for negotiation or acquisition, in the name of U.S. security, President Trump is normalising the idea that the sovereignty of a democratic territory can be treated as a bargaining chip between powers. Such rhetoric, regardless of whether it is framed as diplomatic rather than military, is unacceptable. Greenland is not for sale, and its future can only be decided by the people of Greenland and the Kingdom of Denmark, in full respect of international law and democratic self-determination.

A people is not a product or asset to be traded or bought

President Trump often presents himself as a businessman. But states are not companies, territories are not products, and a people is not an asset to be bought or traded. Greenland is a society, with its own culture, democratic institutions, and aspirations, not a real-estate deal. Treating it as such is an affront to its people and to the principles on which the international order is built.

Attempts to justify annexation on grounds of “US security” or access to critical raw materials do not withstand scrutiny. The United States already maintains a military presence in Greenland, and Denmark has consistently demonstrated its reliability as a NATO ally, paying a disproportionate price in blood in Afghanistan and Iraq, and standing shoulder to shoulder with the US for decades. Moreover, Greenland is open to international economic cooperation and trade. Access to resources does not require coercion. What is at stake here is not security, but sovereignty.

Appeasement is not a strategy

For Europe, this moment is a test of credibility. Competing with each other to be the most accommodating to Trump subverts  the act of sovereignty, as Canada’s PM Mark Carney stated so clearly. We cannot continue to speak of mutual benefit when economic integration becomes a mechanism of dependence. What we are witnessing is not a gradual adjustment, but a clear rupture of the Western alliance. Trade, tariffs, financial systems and supply chains are used as tools of pressure and control. In this environment, European countries need to wake up to this new reality and unite. If they don’t,  European sovereignty will be nothing more than an illusion.

Europe must be clear, united, and prepared.

Defending sovereignty and democracy is not optional. History shows that giving in to threats and blackmail never leads to anything good. Appeasement only encourages more pressure. That is why firm boundaries should be set. Diplomacy alone is not enough. Europe’s top diplomats have made clear that they are ready to activate the so-called “big bazooka”, levying tariffs on €93bn of US goods, should the United States  move from rhetoric to action by imposing 10% tariffs on the eight countries that have deployed troops to Greenland. Europe’s strength lies in its market, its economic weight, and its financial power. The cost of any attempt to annex Greenland must clearly outweigh any perceived benefit.

Economy and national security are more linked than ever

This also requires Europe to finally reduce its strategic dependencies. As long as Europe remains reliant on the United States for defence, technology, and digital infrastructure, it will struggle to act with autonomy or credibility. Strategic autonomy is not anti-American, it is pro-European responsibility.

A stronger Europe makes for stronger alliances

Volt Europa stands firmly with the people of Greenland and Denmark. Greenland may be open for cooperation, but it is not a product, and its people are not for sale. Europe must be clear, united, and prepared, because sovereignty and democracy are only credible if they are defended consistently.

This is not only about Greenland. It is about the kind of Europe we choose to be. A Europe that looks away when pressured will be pressured again and again. A Europe that speaks clearly and acts together shapes its own future. From Greenland to Ukraine, the principle is the same: borders are non-negotiable, people are not bargaining chips, and power must be constrained by law.

Volt Europa exists to push Europe toward that choice for a united future. We must now have the courage to act, before that hesitation turns again into dependency. Because a stronger, united Europe is able to endure the global shift and ruptures of today and tomorrow.

By Mels Klabbers, Co-President of Volt Europa

Image source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AHands_off_Greenland_protest_against_Donald_Trump_in_Copenhagen.jpg?utm_source=chatgpt.com

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The current protests in Iran that started at the end of December 2025 mark a new peak in the country's political, economic, and social crisis. Faced with choking levels of inflation, anaemic economic growth, the breakdown of public infrastructure, a protracted water crisis, and intolerable political repression, including gender-based oppression, the Iranian people have taken to the streets to demand comprehensive political change - again. 

Decades of mismanagement of natural resources, cronyism, and the obstruction of personal and economic freedoms, together with international isolation, have brought the country to breaking point. The EU, home to a vibrant and large Iranian diaspora, cannot stand aside idly while the Iranian government confronts the justified demands of the Iranian people with deadly force.

There is no sign that the Iranian regime, seemingly more interested in clinging to power than in improving the living conditions of Iranians, will listen to those people. Just as it had with earlier movements, such as the Jin-Jyian-Azadi protests, which highlighted the abysmal human rights situation of women in Iran, Iran’s leaders are reacting with more repression and political violence. In particular, the drastic restriction of the internet is of great concern. This restriction is used by the authorities not only to monitor protests and block communications, but also to take targeted action against demonstrators with violence, mass arrests, and even executions. Furthermore, it limits the ability of the Iranian population to speak to the world and exercise their human rights.

As the Iranian people, especially young people and women, suffers from economic hardship, restricted access to healthcare, and a lack of political and personal prospects, we call on the EU and its Member States to take a clear stand, and actively support the people of Iran as follows:

1. Political solidarity: The EU’s political leadership and EU Member States must explicitly support the protests, condemn the regime's violence, and demand respect for human rights, including substantial political support for the people to form a democratic government.

2. Humanitarian support: EU-wide support for Iranians in exile must be guaranteed and at-risk political activists must be protected. Deportations to Iran must be suspended and visa procedures eased.

3. Targeted sanctions: Those responsible for human rights violations, in particular the revolutionary guards who continue to serve as the regime’s main tool in oppressing and terrorising civil society, should be subject to targeted measures, without placing additional burdens on the civilian population.

4. Protection of digital freedom: The EU should promote secure communication channels and provide technologies that ensure the flow of information within the country and circumvent censorship.

We at Volt stand firmly alongside the protesters, who are fighting for their rights, and call for a consistent, coordinated response from the EU. The people of Iran deserve the prospect of a better, democratic future, free of the choking constraints of a theocratic authoritarian regime and with the opportunities to capitalise on the innovativeness of Iranian civil society. Facing a world where the breakdown of the international order and the climate crisis pose serious challenges, especially to Iran, the EU could become a partner for a democratic Iran. For this to happen however, fundamental political change must happen in Iran - as the demonstrators are demanding.

Opinion piece by Maral Koohestanian & Sahak Ibrahimkhil

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We should not have to choose between celebrating the fall of a dictator like Maduro or the breakdown of the international order. 

Yet this is the impossible dilemma that the United States has presented us with through its intervention in Venezuela. From Sánchez in Spain, who signed a statement with several South American governments warning the US, to Meloni, who declared the intervention legitimate, European reactions have been varied, culminating in a statement by von der Leyen that was exceptionally devoid of political meaning. Ironically, this situation has provided an example of how the new US National Security Strategy exploits internal divisions within the EU to weaken us, a goal that has been explicitly stated.

However, we can choose not to remain immobile in the face of these events. Even in the face of the Commission's ineptitude, Member States could launch a European constituent assembly – an EU 2.0 – whose representatives are democratically and directly elected by citizens. They could also take action to create new supranational alliances to put pressure on authoritarian leaders such as Trump and hold them accountable for their actions – possibly abandoning the air of moral superiority and double standards that have alienated the Global South. 

Or even, without going that far, tomorrow the EU states could finally decide to activate Articles 42 and 46 of the treaties, laying the foundations for a common defense supervised by the Parliament. Furthermore, they could activate Article 311 and lay the foundations for a common tax system by creating their own economic resources, with the double benefit of stopping the fiscal hemorrhage caused by large multinationals evading taxes and supporting citizens who are tired of having to choose between financing wars and making ends meet.

Faced with a concrete threat such as a military attack, those who do not change are doomed to lose. The EU still has one last chance to rebuild the future.

Article by Francesca Romana D’Antuono, Co-President of Volt Europa

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The original article was published in Portuguese in Expresso on 16 December 2025: https://expresso.pt/opiniao/2025-12-16-estrategia-americana-2025-substituicao-nacionalismo-e-interferencia-4ef8f3bb-1

The text frames EU democracies as fragile, our leaders as illegitimate and our commitment to Ukraine as misguided. The accusations are so serious that they deserve to be shown in full:

“The Trump Administration finds itself at odds with European officials who hold unrealistic expectations for the war perched in unstable minority governments, many of which trample on basic principles of democracy to suppress opposition.”
 [Translation: The Trump Administration finds itself at odds with European officials, who have unrealistic expectations regarding the war, and are in unstable minority governments, many of which violate basic principles of democracy to suppress opposition.]

This isn’t a mere jab to European leadership, it’s a pretext. By undermining the legitimacy of the pro-Ukraine coalition, it prepares the ground for another step disguised as strategic common sense: pushing Europe to accept a settlement on Russia’s terms.

Further the report continues that the U.S. should focus on “Ending the perception, and preventing the reality, of NATO as a perpetually expanding alliance.” If Moscow had said this, no one would be surprised. In fact, Putin  stated as much in the Munich speech of 2007. Yet it is not Moscow talking, it is Washington.

The same pages of the report offer warm praise to far-right forces: “America encourages its political allies in Europe to promote this revival of spirit, and the growing influence of patriotic European parties indeed gives cause for great optimism.”

This is a ringing endorsement for parties like Chega in Portugal and their peers elsewhere, parties that have spent years corroding our democratic institutions and promoting outlandish conspiracy theories.

The most concerning part, however, is a not-so-subtle promotion of the Replacement Theory: “Within a few decades… certain NATO members will become majority non-European.”

This is a completely invented scenario circulating among the far-right. A theory in between quotation marks. And yet, it comes with an American seal strongly suggesting that our own  European citizens, if they look different, are untrustworthy. This is racist, pure and simple.

Finally, the document calls for:“Cultivating resistance to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations.” Plainly stated: fostering internal opposition to the European Union within member states. This is an active political subversion of our democracies, sanctioned at the highest level.

Europe cannot react again with vague statements asking for “more dialogue.” The world is changing rapidly, yet we continue to act as if the U.S. is always the adult in the room. These are old reflexes of transatlantic loyalty which are rapidly becoming dangerous.

We must learn to live in a world where the U.S. is drifting toward ideological alignment with autocracies like China and Russia. On what grounds? They share a belief in spheres of influence, legitimizing domination over smaller surrounding countries. Most worryingly, they believe in rewriting history through military power. 

We saw this with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. And now the US is mirroring it with unlawful aggressive actions against Venezuela. We hold no sympathy for the corrupt and undemocratic Maduro government in Venezuela, however unlawful aggression will only produce another Libya or Syria scenario, not democracy. Real problems like corruption, drugs and instability are becoming a mere tool to justify aggressive behaviour. 

If that was not enough, Washington is drafting the script for our own future. Enough. We must leave behind reliance on “Daddy” America for defense, grow up and become the adults in the room in a world increasingly dominated by imperialist rhetoric. This means we need a European Union capable of acting as one: a Union with a democratically elected government, common debt to finance security, a real shared defense capability, unified foreign policy to protect citizens and values and the political courage to stand on our own.

The numbers are there. Europe’s productivity lags the U.S. by over 30% in GDP per capita terms, largely due to underinvestment in key sectors (see Draghi Report). Defence spending is fractured, with 12 tank models in use across member states compared to one in the U.S. Innovation suffers from red tape and fragmented markets. While Europe has talented researchers, capital and scale often vanish across the Atlantic.

We can no longer pretend to be surprised by these patterns. We know what the obstacles are: lack of focus, duplicated national efforts, endless vetoes. The solution is not more diagnosis. It is action. Europe must invest in its own defence industrial base, jointly procure and close the energy price gap by becoming serious on renewables. We have the population, the savings, the talent. What we need is political courage.

The alternative is clear. Remain fragmented, and we will be manipulated, outpaced and strategically sidelined. The best case scenario? To be trampled over by Trumpism. It is time for Europe to become an actor, or it could continue avoiding making strategic choices and transform into a target.

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Across Europe, careful recent analysis shows this is not a marginal problem. The European Institute for Gender Equality’s (EIGE) report on cyberviolence documents a wide spectrum of harms and highlights how the digital dimension magnifies risks and complicates remedies. Online abuse is not a niche tech problem - it is a core gender-equality issue.

What is the problem and how does existing legislation address it?

What exactly is cyberviolence against women and girls (CVAWG)? According to the EIGE report, “CVAWG is an intersectional form of violence with different patterns and levels of vulnerability: (1) cyber stalking, (2) cyber harassment, (3) cyber bullying, (4) online gender-based hate speech, and (5) non-consensual intimate image abuse.” However, there is no harmonised definition or legal response on the EU-level to the phenomenon yet. This article will focus specifically on the phenomenon of deepfake pornography. 

Although the European Union has already taken important steps to tackle harmful content online, gaps persist. The Digital Services Act (DSA) obliges platforms to manage systemic risks and set clearer notice-and-action systems for illegal content, including non-consensual pornographic content. However, this requirement only tackles the issue retroactively and does not prevent the creation of such imagery. 

Although the AI Act specifically references deepfakes, it does so in a way that is purely concerned with transparency, merely requiring them to be labelled, in order for citizens to be able to recognise their artificial nature. 

However, the AI Act makes no mention of sexually-explicit deepfakes, depicting pornographic images of women and girls without their consent, especially not in its list of prohibited AI systems and practices. This highlights the failure to recognise that CVAWG is not a private problem and needs to be addressed on the political stage in order to enable women to fulfil their full potential in the public and private sphere. 

The recently adopted Directive on combating violence against women addresses part of the problem. It criminalises the non-consensual production and dissemination of manipulated intimate material, including making a person appear to engage in sexual acts and sharing such content without their consent when it is likely to cause serious harm (Article 5). It also obliges Member States to provide victim support services, online reporting tools, removal orders and rapid evidence preservation. But as a Directive, it sets only minimum rules and leaves broad discretion in transposition and enforcement, risking fragmentation and uneven protection across borders.

In 2023, Deepfake pornography made up 98% of all deepfake videos online, with 99% of the individuals targeted in deepfake pornography being women, according to a report from Security Hero. The same report highlights that deepfake pornography is extremely easy and cheap to create, and emphasises that “74% of deepfake pornography users don't feel guilty about it.” This clearly highlights that CVAWG is anchored in the social inequality between men and women, requiring legal intervention.

Research by the European Sex Workers’ Rights Alliance (ESWA) reinforces this picture. Image-based sexual abuse, including manipulated intimate images, disproportionately affects marginalised groups. LGBTQIA+ people and sex workers face especially high rates, with sex workers also exposed to financial losses, outing, and retaliation. The report shows that victims often struggle to have abusive images removed because platforms respond slowly or are designed in ways that shift responsibility onto users. This form of victim-blaming forces individuals to take on heavy self-protection burdens instead of requiring platforms to prevent the abuse.

It remains crucial to distinguish between consensual adult sexual expression, including sex work, and non-consensual image-based abuse. Measures against deepfake pornography must be precise and grounded in consent and autonomy, not stigma, to avoid harming those whose livelihoods rely on digital spaces.

No more glitches: fixing Europe’s response 

Volt demands the following elements to safeguard the rights of women and girls online, while recognising the rights and autonomy of sex workers:

1. The AI Act must include AI systems used to primarily create non-consensual deepfake pornography on its list of prohibitions. Sexually explicit synthetic content should only be lawful where the creator or distributor possesses verifiable, explicit consent from the person depicted. In all other cases, the content shall be presumed non-consensual and treated as image-based sexual abuse. 

2. Member states should criminalise the creation and sharing of non-consensual deepfake pornography, following the example of the UK and South Korea, while recognising the rights of sex workers. Effective enforcement is entirely possible, as demonstrated by South Korea’s approach. Dedicated training for law-enforcement officials enables them to recognise manipulated sexualised content and respond appropriately. Specialised police cyber units should actively monitor platforms where non-consensual deepfake pornography is frequently shared, and collaborate with hosting services to identify perpetrators.

3. Directive (EU) 2024/1385 on combating violence against women must be rapidly and ambitiously transposed into national legislation and the DSA effectively enforced in a gender sensitive manner. 

4. Cross-border victim support is essential. Digital abuse does not stop at borders; we need EU-funded rapid-response units, legal assistance funds, and faster takedown and evidence-preservation mechanisms so victims can secure remedies and protection quickly.

5. Platforms must be required to implement tools to help detect non-consensual or manipulated intimate imagery, which could be aided by AI, and reporting mechanisms, empowering citizens to report suspected non-consensual deepfake pornography. 

6. Prevention and resilience must be funded. Education campaigns, digital literacy for girls and boys, and trauma-informed support services must be core lines in the next Multiannual Financial Framework and in national budgets.

Building the digital future we want 

If we fail to act decisively now, digital violence will continue to entrench gender inequality, and silence the voices of women and girls both off- and online. Entire generations risk growing up in spaces where fear, humiliation and abuse are routine, undermining their ability to participate fully in public, professional and creative life.

By treating cyberviolence as a core gender-equality issue, Europe can reclaim digital spaces as safe, empowering and inclusive. The choices we make today will determine whether the internet becomes a tool for liberation or a platform for perpetuating harm - Volt must champion the former.

Opinion article by Nina Hamann, Policy Shaper for Women’s Rights & Gender Inclusivity

WRomCom (Women’s Rights & Gender Inclusivity Community)

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Since 2023, the civil war in Sudan, mainly fought between the government-controlled Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), has devastated the country, with more than 150,000 people believed to have died. More than 12 million Sudanese have been displaced, of whom 5 million are thought to be children, according to UNHCR estimates. The already strained Sudanese healthcare system has collapsed and food insecurity and famine are adding up to a severe humanitarian crisis. Reports on war crimes and atrocities committed by both sides are widespread and well documented. Horrifying accounts linked to the fall of the city of El Fasher, including ethnically targeted massacres, bombing of displacement camps and widespread sexual violence, betray a systematic campaign of terror by the RSF. 

The conflict is fueled by international actors, with a UN weapons embargo in place on the Darfur region since 2004 being routinely undermined. A leaked UN report implied the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is providing weapons to the RSF, while Amnesty International presented evidence for weapons routed to Sudan stemming from UAE, Serbia, Russia, China, Turkey, and Yemen. Even British-made weapons have reportedly ended up in the conflict region, with UAE again being suspected at the core of a smuggling route via Chad - a claim UAE vehemently denies. 

Given the severity of the situation in Sudan, Volt welcomes the resolution of the European Parliament calling for a more comprehensive and internationally enforced weapons embargo, extending the existing embargo to the entirety of Sudan. Volt also supports calls for the investigations of the International Court of Justice into the atrocities in Darfur to be extended in scope, in the hope that justice can be served for the many victims of this raging conflict. Volt joins the clear and strong condemnation of gender-based and sexual violence towards children and women, the targeting of civilians, ethnically motivated mass murder and the systematic destruction of civilian infrastructure. Humanitarian corridors must be opened immediately to those in need, in particular to the focal points of the humanitarian crisis in El Fasher, Kadugli and El Obeid. In line with the resolution of the European Parliament, we call on the EU to increase the financing of aid in Sudan and the neighbouring countries directly affected by the flows of refugees, in particular since the international aid system is under severe financial stress after the irresponsible dismantling of USAID through the Trump administration.

International profiteering from the conflict has to stop, and we call on the EU to step up in the fight against illicit financing networks based on resource smuggling and arms trafficking. In this aspect, the resolution of the European Parliament falls undeniably short, failing to address the countries that are keeping the conflict going for their own gain directly. Volt therefore calls on the EU to raise the topic of Sudan’s civil war in the ongoing trade negotiations with the UAE, making a successful conclusion conditional on credible steps of the UAE to stop the flow of weapons to the RSF. 

Volt Europa stands in complete solidarity with the Sudanese people. We urge the EU and the international community to back a credible path to a civilian-led transition and sustainable peace. A responsible European foreign policy, in face of the severity of the Sudanese humanitarian crisis and the evidence for systematic war crimes, must base itself in holding up international law and fundamental rights. In the same vein, EU trade policy, and thus the ongoing trade negotiations with UAE, cannot be separated from international law and human rights violations. On the contrary, it must reflect the universality of human rights unequivocally. 

Image by Henry Wilkins/VOA, via Wikimedia Commons (Public domain).
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Frankfurt, 27 November 2025 – Volt held the party’s biannual General Assembly in Frankfurt/Main last weekend and welcomed high-level European speakers as well as more than 1,700 members from its national chapters across Europe.

Among the speakers were the former President of Estonia, Mr Toomas Ilves, who joined Volt this year, and Nicu Ștefănuță, MEP and Vice-President of the European Parliament from Romania. Both underlined the European Union’s need for institutional reform to resist internal pressures and international geopolitical headwinds.

Toomas Ilves said: “I chose Volt as my political home because Volt stands for everything I believe is vitally needed for Europe to make it through the multiple existential crises we face today – from defence and foreign policy to finance, innovation and energy policies. Most importantly, the EU needs to overcome its own lethargy, its unwillingness to address difficult reforms and its internal bickering.”

The pan-European party announced the merger of Neo Kyma and Famagusta into Volt Cyprus. With the unification of progressive political forces on the island through Volt, the team is poised to shape the national elections next year.

Various workshops and panels hosted discussions on how to tackle the EU’s most pressing challenges, such as digital integrity, climate action and social justice. Volt’s Members of the European Parliament – Damian Boeselager, Anna Strolenberg, Reinier van Lanschot, Nela Riehl and Kai Tegethoff – offered first-hand insights into their work.

Mels Klabbers, Co-President of Volt Europa, said: “Volt was founded as a reaction to Trump I and Brexit, and for a democratic, sovereign Europe. In our party, we bring together passionate Europeans who simply care about the future of our Union. With every volunteer, every delegate from the local level – for example in Italy, Germany or Romania – up to our five MEPs, we show that our vision of a sovereign, just and democratic Europe is possible, step by step.”

The next General Assembly will be held in Bratislava in the summer of next year.

National judiciaries are integral part of the EU judicial system. However, in a growing number of member states the judiciary and the prosecution are increasingly attacked by national governments, politicised or even fully captured, thus dangerously weakening the entire EU judicial system. The authority of the two top European courts - the EU Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights - is openly called into question by national governments, while there are growing attempts by national governments to politicise the appointment of judges to both courts. Nine EU member state governments attempt to interfere with the judicial procedures of the European Court of Human Rights. Meanwhile the implementation of rulings of both top courts has been in steep decline for several years.

Judges of the International Criminal Court are victims of severe harassment, while ICC arrest warrants are blatantly ignored. The European Public Prosecutor meets with obstruction and even physical threats, and punitive actions from national governments and the European Commission. Volt warns that the European Union may not yet have reached a US-style collapse of the judicial system, but the alarming trend of eroding judicial independence must be curbed. The recently launched “EU Democracy Shield” is not an adequate response to the threat. Volt calls for an Integral Action Plan for bolstering judicial independence in Europe.

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AgriCom

In time for the harvest period, AgriCom advised Volt MEP, Anna Strolenberg, on Volt’s Vision for Food in Europe, a strategic plan focusing on circularity, healthy nutrition, and strategic autonomy.

What else?

• Supporting the EP team with a position paper on reform of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP).

• A session at the GA: ‘Europe's food future: where technology and nature meet’

• Worked with Volt Members across Europe to build the Dutch election programme.

• Join AgriCom!

ANICom

In October, we joined a World Animal Day event in Amsterdam against industrial livestock farming. With over 3,000 people in attendance, this was the biggest event against the industrial livestock industry ever. Volt MP, Laurens Dassen, gave a speech emphasising the importance of cultured meat and proteins of non-animal origin.

What else?

• As a new Community, we’re currently recruiting topic experts and core team members. If you’re interested, join us by clicking below.

• Join ANICom!

CLEanCom

We recently launched our LinkedIn page, which will enable non-Volt members to engage with our ideas and contribute to our work.

What else?

An interactive workshop at the General Assembly in Frankfurt on reaching climate neutrality by 2040. (A few tickets are still available here.)

• Join CLEanCom!

DefCom

Recent Russian incursions on Europe’s eastern flank require a concerted and coordinated European response. Together with Reinier van Lanschot MEP, we published a Volt Europa position regarding introducing a no-fly zone and a European Reassurance force.

What else?

• Worked with Volt Members across Europe to build the Dutch election programme.

• Setting up working groups on topics related to integration and military service.

• Established a social media presence with a DefCom Instagram account.

• Join DefCom!

DREamCom

Over the summer, we helped to shape Volt Netherlands’ electoral programme. The Dutch Bar Association (NOvA) ranked it among the strongest on democracy and the Rule of Law. Proof that a bold and principled vision on democracy gets noticed.

What else?

• Supported the Volt EP team on a roadmap for making EU enlargement a driver of reform.

• Two events coming up at the GA in Frankfurt: a side session on local democracy, and a main-stage event on EU Enlargement.

• Established two new working groups: on enlargement and on the Swiss democracy mode.

• Join DREamCom!

EconFinCom

At the end of September, we held a panel discussion in Brussels on workers' rights and development in cooperatives. Featuring contributions from NGOs and Volt European Parliament APA, Charlotte Bechert, we looked at how the cooperative model can improve workers’ lives and the potential impact of AI. You can watch a video of the event here.

What else?

• Working on a position paper in anticipation of the EU Commission’s forthcoming Quality Jobs Roadmap.

• An interactive workshop on restructuring the workplace at the General Assembly (GA) in Frankfurt. Get your tickets here!

• Join EconFinCom!

MICom

We’re currently looking at the desirability and feasibility of a passport for migrants. To learn more about this, join us on Sunday at the Frankfurt GA!

What else?

• A project mapping out local projects across Europe and finding ways for such initiatives to inform European migration policy

• Scoping out the possibility for working groups on family reunification, job insertion and autonomy and the criminalisation of solidarity and people on the move.

• Join MICom!

THoMCom

This month we’ve been sketching out some ideas on innovative urban transportation, based on best practices from European and non-European cities. It’s a work-in-progress and we’d love to have your insights and ideas!

What else?

• We’ll be at the Frankfurt GA with a workshop on the future of aviation - finding a balance between environmental protection and the social importance of travel.

• Worked with Volt Members across Europe to build the Dutch election programme.

• Join THoMCom!

QueerVolt

Ahead of the Dutch elections, we collaborated with six other parties on the Regenboog Stembusakkoord, a commitment to tackling discrimination against the LGBTQIA+ community during the next mandate.

What else?

A workshop at the Frankfurt GA: ‘How to Pride’

• Join QueerVolt!

European Community vacancies

Want to get more involved with our Communities? Take a look at our current voluntary vacancies! (Please reach out via email)

• ANICom - core team members and topic experts

• DREamCom - a new Co-Lead (f/x), as well as additional core team members to support outreach and connect with elected officials. 

• DREamCom - volunteers for a project to support the EP team on their work on EU Electoral Law, by mapping out the patchwork of weird, quirky and inconsistent national election rules, to build a case for a European approach

• EduCom - core team members and experts with a background in education, culture or learning innovation to help build a new community from the ground up

• WRomCom - core team members focusing on community management

• GeoCom - a Co-Lead (f/x) and other core members, specifically a community organizer 

• MICom - a community/event organizer and legal asylum expert in core team

• Non-Academics - volunteers with non-academic careers to contribute to policy development

• THoMCom - a Community Co-Lead with a background in housing

AgriCom

Our highlight at the Volt General Assembly in Frankfurt was the AgriCom session with our MEP Anna Strolenberg. During the session over a hundred Volters discussed the balance between traditional and innovative agricultural practices. You can watch a short interview with Anna about Volt’s European agriculture priorities here! 

What else?

• Refining our workstreams for 2026 - on sustainable food production, economic resilience and innovation, social wellbeing and geopolitics and land use.

• Our next open meeting will take place on 13 January. To be there, click the link below.

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Join AgriCom!

ANICom

We’ve launched a survey to understand Volt’s stance on animal welfare, as defined by the Dutch Council on Animal Affairs (RDA), which will help us to shape future Volt policy in this area. To complete the survey, join our Haiilo hub.

What else?

• The scope of our Community has expanded to include nature conservation and related policy. Although our focus will still be on animal welfare, we are broadening our work to include nature-related interests.

• 2026 will be a big year for AniCom, with plans to begin work on an animal welfare vision to complement Volt’s Vision for Food in Europe.

Join AniCom!

CLEanCom

We recently launched our LinkedIn page, which will enable non-Volt members to engage with our ideas and contribute to our work.

What else?

An interactive workshop at the General Assembly in Frankfurt on reaching climate neutrality by 2040

• Join CLEanCom!

DefCom

At the GA, DefCom hosted a session on the topic of a European Army, which featured  European Parliament APA, Teun Janssen and Colonel (ret.) Dr. Jean Marsia, Retired Academic Director of the Belgian Royal Military School. The session concluded that, in a multipolar world, a European army may be the only way for Europe to uphold its own strategic weight, ensure collective security, and safeguard our values.

What else?

• Our topic groups are busy working on initiatives around ISR, innovation in emerging and disruptive technologies (EDT) and on debates around European conscription.

• Our regular meeting takes place on the second Monday of every month. Newcomers are welcome!

Join DefCom!

DigiCom

‘Truth under pressure: Reclaiming Europe’s information space’ was the topic of one of our GA events, examining how disinformation shapes power, elections, and public trust in the EU. The session was based on original research from 26 countries and insights from policymakers and security experts. The research report, which calls for access to accurate information to be recognised as a fundamental democratic right, will be available in the new year.

What else?

• A mainstage panel on AI, featuring Damian Boeselager MEP and Frankfurt Deputy Mayor, Eileen O’Sullivan.
  

Join DigiCom!

DREamCom

DREamCom had a strong presence at the Frankfurt GA, putting enlargement and EU reform at the centre of Volt’s political ambitions with a packed mainstage session. Our ‘Defending Democracy’ workshop took a practical, roleplay-based look at how to respond to populist arguments through dialogue and connection.

What else?

• A statement on the rising threats to judicial independence and the rule of law in Europe. Over the coming term, a dedicated working group will draft an Action Plan with concrete proposals to safeguard our legal system and fundamental rights across the EU.

• The kickoff of our enlargement and Swiss democracy working groups, both of which  are open to new members.

Join DREamCom!

EconFinCom

At the end of September, we held a panel discussion in Brussels on workers' rights and development in cooperatives. Featuring contributions from NGOs and Volt European Parliament APA, Charlotte Bechert, we looked at how the cooperative model can improve workers’ lives and the potential impact of AI. You can watch a video of the event here.

What else?

• Working on a position paper in anticipation of the EU Commission’s forthcoming Quality Jobs Roadmap.

• An interactive workshop on restructuring the workplace at the General Assembly (GA) in Frankfurt. Get your tickets here!

Join EconFinCom!

HealthCom

At the Frankfurt GA, HealthCom presented on the state of healthcare across Europe, with Thijs van Schaik providing insights from his upcoming report with Volt Charge on specific European healthcare systems.

What else?

• Thanks to a strong presence at the GA’s Community Marketplace, we acquired 20 new members for HealthCom. Our next regular meeting will take place on 7 January. To be there, join us by clicking below.

Join HealthCom!

MICom

MICom’s contribution to the Frankfurt GA was the presentation of an innovative policy idea for migrants - the Blueberry passport. This document would be recognised by all Member States, allowing people to settle and work within the EU, and based on professional competence and regional labour needs.

What else?

• An event in collaboration with Volt Greece on the criminalisation of refugees and featuring contributions from the former Greek Minister for Migration and Asylum and the Director of the Greek Council for Refugees. You can rewatch the discussion on YouTube.
  

Join MICom!

THoMCom

At the Frankfurt GA, we held a podium discussion on the future of aviation with our MEP Kai Tegethoff and aviation expert Bram Peerlings.

What else?

• A workshop on urban mobility at the Elected Officials Summit on the day before the GA.

• Supporting the Strasbourg team with their electoral programme for the upcoming municipal elections.

Join THomCom!

QueerVolt

At the Frakfurt GA, Queer Volt had an stand at the Community Markter, including an Interactive Flag Quiz Activity for Participants of the GA!

What else?

A workshop at the Frankfurt GA: ‘How to Pride’

• Join QueerVolt!

WRomCom

At the GA, WRomCom put on an informal session entitled, Breaking gender-neutrality to fix international instability. Its focus was the adoption of a gender-sensitive approach to international peace and security. The discussion featured Eva Kiršteine, Project Director at Women for Security, Latvia, and the Dutch Volt elected official, Julia Schneemann. 

What else?

• A Volt Women’s brunch as part of the GA, bringing together progressive women from across Europe.

• The first meeting of the WRomCom in 2026 on 14 January, looking at New Year's Resolutions - goals in the party and learning interests.

• An opinion piece on ending digital violence against women and girls
  

Join WRomCom!

European Community vacancies

Want to get more involved with our Communities? Take a look at our current vacancies! (Please note that all positions within Communities are voluntary)

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What is urgently needed now are concrete humanitarian steps. Volt calls for the implementation and upholding of an immediate and permanent ceasefire so that the current fragile situation, which is characterised by intermittent fighting and mutual threats, with Israeli strikes killing reportedly dozens overnight, can be stabilised. The humanitarian supply for the civilian population in Gaza must be resumed immediately, unconditionally, and without any restrictions. The deliberate closure of crossings or the withholding of aid supplies is unacceptable. Additional border crossings must be opened so that food, water, fuel, medicine, and medical supplies can reach those in need.

In this context, Volt welcomes the recent International Court of Justice opinion (October 2025), which ordered Israel to allow humanitarian aid into Gaza and confirmed that the blockade constituted a breach of international law. This decision underscores the urgent need for compliance with international legal obligations and opens the door to future mechanisms of reparations, accountability, and justice.

A just and lasting political resolution between Palestine and Israel remains Volt’s central goal. A legitimate and sustainable solution is only possible if Palestinians, especially from Gaza, are included in all decisions from the very beginning. Transitional structures must not consist solely of international representatives. They must ensure genuine and equal participation of representatives from Palestinian society, and Gaza in particular. Equally important is transparency regarding the influence of non-Arab actors. The involvement of external advisors or political actors must be disclosed and independently monitored to prevent conflicts of interest or hidden agendas. European democracies should insist on full accountability and openness from all participants.

The Palestinian Authority (PA) in the West Bank must also be part of the process. Its exclusion would endanger any progress and undermine the foundation for lasting peace. Any political architecture aimed at stability must include the PA as a genuine partner in negotiation, oversight, and implementation, while also ensuring that voices from Gaza can exert appropriate influence.

A potential Israeli military operation in a so-called “security zone” is undesirable. The international community should immediately work on developing viable alternatives that do not rely on a permanent presence of Israeli forces while ensuring that the dismantling of Hamas as foreseen in the plan is also conducted. Every lost day increases the risk of further suffering and growing instability.

The security interests of Palestinians and their right to self-determination   must be clearly articulated, legally anchored, and safeguarded by international guarantees. Political solutions must not settle for transitional arrangements but must enable genuine sovereignty, dignity, and rights.

Europe and the international community must not ignore the work and decisions of international courts. Judgments of the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice must be respected and implemented. Individuals credibly accused of war crimes or crimes against humanity must face independent judicial proceedings. A credible peace process also requires avenues for reparations for the atrocities of recent years, as well as transparent mechanisms for truth, justice, and support for victims on all sides. Reports of torture both in Israeli prisons, as well as corresponding reports about the torture of hostages in Gaza, must be thoroughly investigated. Practices such as administrative detention, as used by Israel to detain Palestinians without charge, must be stopped, and all Palestinians imprisoned under these circumstances must be released immediately. Volt calls on the Israeli government to respect humanitarian law in prisons, as also demanded by the Israeli Supreme Court.

International institutions, particularly the United Nations, the European Union, and donor states, bear responsibility for independent monitoring, reporting, and unhindered humanitarian access. Independent UN staff, observers, and accredited journalists must be allowed to travel to Gaza to verify the implementation of agreements and to report freely on the situation on the ground.

Volt Europa stands for a policy of responsibility, participation, and humanity. We call on European governments and institutions to work for an immediate and lasting ceasefire, to secure unrestricted humanitarian access, to include the Palestinian Authority and representatives from Gaza centrally, to respect international judicial proceedings, to guarantee reparations, and to ensure full transparency of all external actors. Only an agreement founded on justice, security, and the equal recognition of the right to self-determination of Palestinians and Israelis can end the cycle of violence and enable genuine, lasting peace.

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Meanwhile, Europeans need to be willing to defend Ukraine in the same way as they would defend each other. The alternative is a Ukraine subjugated by an imperialist Russia whose goal remains to dismantle the EU. Ceasefires and peace don’t arrive on their own; their conditions have to be created. Putin won’t stop unless we make him.  He must be forced to the negotiation table, and Russia must not be allowed to invade Ukraine again. The recipe for creating a ceasefire is clear: strong pressure on Putin, including a no-fly zone in Western Ukraine. Keeping the peace will require EU membership for Ukraine backed by real security guarantees on the ground. Only if those conditions are met, can proper negotiations lead to a just and sustainable peace. 

1. Act now to bring peace closer with a European no-fly zone over Western Ukraine

Russia has already attacked the EU multiple times:  it has sabotaged undersea cables; blown up ammunition factories; planned assassinations and sponsored terrorist attacks; it bombed the EU embassy in Kyiv, hacked Von der Leyen's plane; it violated Polish, Romanian, Estonian, Danish and Norwegian airspace with drones and planes. Ukrainians are no longer the only Europeans hearing air raid sirens. Each time we fail to respond, Russia escalates. 

So far, we have been far too risk averse. By waiting for Putin to escalate rather than setting our own terms, we have brought the war closer to our doorstep. A strong, united Europe with a common foreign policy could have created one strategy to end the war. Europe, including its candidate countries, is an innovative democracy of 500 million citizens and a GDP of 20 trillion. Russia is a stagnant autocracy of 140 million citizens and a GDP of 2 trillion. On paper, we have all the tools to take charge of our continent’s security. But building a Federal Europe will take time. So what can we do today?

The best way to keep Russia away from our doorstep is to establish a forward deterrence: with at its core a no-fly zone in Western Ukraine, to shoot down projectiles that come close to NATO airspace. This will achieve two objectives: it will protect Ukrainians as well as other Europeans from Russian threats, and it will make Putin understand that Europe is willing to defend itself (and Ukraine) with real force.  Such a European-led Integrated Air Protection Zone (IAPZ) is completely within our power, and a clear, workable plan has been proposed by military experts. With just 120 fighter jets we can keep our airspace safe while strengthening Ukraine’s own air defence. They can operate from air bases in Poland and Romania, lowering escalation risk. Russian aircraft do not operate over Western Ukraine and are more than 200km away, so the risk of a direct clash between air forces is low. The EU and UK have enough air assets to do this on their own, without the US. The lack of a no-fly zone  emboldens Russia to continue its destruction of Ukraine and directly attack NATO member states. A no-fly zone will give us the initiative and change Putin’s calculus. It is the lowest risk, highest impact measure European allies can take now to shorten the war by demonstrating to Russia that it cannot win by outlasting Ukraine and Europe.

At the same time, we need to strengthen Europe’s own Eastern Flank against Russian incursions. NATO’s operation ‘’Eastern Sentry’’ was set up quickly after the Russian drone incursions, and this is a good first step. But in order to restore deterrence, we need clear rules of engagement and make the Russians understand that red lines will be enforced. The incursions also showed that NATO militaries need to rapidly adapt to new realities of war. Using expensive missiles against Iranian drones is very cost inefficient. To counter cheap drones, we need cheap counter-drone measures. The ‘’drone wall’’ announced by Von Der Leyen to monitor the Eastern Flank, as well as more intensive industrial cooperation with Ukraine, are key to building the European capabilities that will mitigate Russian advantages.

2. Get ready to defend the peace with a European Reassurance Force

In 1994 Ukraine gave away its nuclear weapons in exchange for guarantees from the USA, UK and Russia. 20 years later, the Russians invaded and annexed Crimea. Another 8 years later, they launched a full-scale invasion. History shows that Russia cannot be trusted to hold its word. Even after an end to this war is agreed, we will not be able to defend the peace with assurances that only exist on paper.

After Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, we should have started building a European army, like the majority of Europeans want. Had we done so, we would have had a force capable of defending Ukraine and ensuring a ceasefire. Instead, 26 countries have spent months discussing who is willing to provide pieces of the puzzle to something that could look serious enough to deter Putin. It is a weaker alternative, but it's what we have to work with.

This ‘’coalition of the willing’’ intends to send troops after a truce with Russia is reached. It is still a good signal that Europe wants to take responsibility for its own security. It can increase the pressure on Putin, keep the US engaged in Europe, and ensure that we have a plan ready on day one after a ceasefire. But it requires three basic preconditions:

• Europe must have the capabilities to be able to deliver such a “reassurance force”

• It must be willing and able to carry out this mission if the US does not participate, and

• The public must be able to accept that it will come with serious risks to our soldiers

Various Experts and officials have shown that all of this is possible with Europe in the lead, but it will require politicians to communicate very clearly to citizens that our own security is only guaranteed if we are willing to defend Ukraine. There are small, medium and large-scale options available. The larger the force, the stronger the deterrence signal, but the harder to carry out and sustain independently from the US, without compromising Europe’s defences on its own borders with Russia. For some key intelligence, command and logistics capabilities, the EU has gaps, and the US should optimally be on board to fill them. It will not be easy if the US only provides limited to no support, but for a small to medium sized mission, it can be done. In fact, if the EU shows the readiness to take up the task, the US may be more likely to provide at least important ‘’enabling’’ support in the aforementioned domains. Finally, Europe has its own ultimate ‘’backstop’’: the French and British nuclear deterrent.

Any reassurance force should be able to accomplish five main elements:

• Relieve Ukrainians from rear-area and non-combat tasks to free up Ukrainian forces for the contact line, e.g. through maintenance, training and non-frontline border patrol

• Deploy an air (>200 combat aircraft) and sea contingent strong enough to keep Ukraine’s skies and shipping lanes open, for both civilian and military purposes

• Deploy adequate ground forces (>25,000), stationed some distance away from the main line of contact, which can rapidly intervene against a local Russian breakthrough

• Pre-position on the EU’s Eastern flank (e.g. on the Polish/Romanian borders) follow-up forces capable of rapidly reinforcing the European force in Ukraine if required

• Build a Ukrainian military strong enough to deter Russia from ever attacking again, including by long-range strike capabilities, so called ‘’deterrence by punishment’’ 

Conclusion: defending Europe as a peace project

Planning security guarantees should not be an alternative to ultimately enabling Ukraine to restore its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Any ceasefire should be the result of negotiations fully endorsed by Ukraine. Volt has always argued that we must end this war as soon as possible and prevent it from ever restarting.  We can achieve this by sending Putin a clear message that he won’t gain anything from continuing the war or restarting it later. A no-fly zone and preparing a credible reassurance force in Ukraine are the tools to make that clear, before negotiations lead to a ceasefire and ultimately, a just peace. Those operations can take place with limited involvement by the United States, if need be.

A no-fly zone and reassurance force must of course be part of a broader theory of victory including stronger sanctions on Russia, seizing frozen Russian assets, and scaling up defence production. Creating a European Defence Union, as a European pillar in NATO, with a European Army at its core and with Ukraine firmly inside the EU, remains the long-term goal.

You can find our positions on those topics in previous statements. Ultimately, Europe is a peace project. To protect that peace and all human rights, we need to be willing to defend it. This is the only way our vision for a green, just and social future in a united Europe can become reality, instead of becoming the victim of Russian imperialism.

In a tiny French commune on a sunny afternoon in late August, a cloth cut from parachute silk lies draped over a monument. In front of it, seven oversized photographs on wooden stakes, each one of a young man in starched military uniform, each beaming proudly. And a stone’s throw away, the graves where these young men have lain for eighty years.

On the night of 28 June 1944, the Lancaster airbomber the British Royal Airforce (RAF) soldiers were flying in was shot down in a field beside the town of Bransles in the Seine-et-Marne region of northern France. All seven were killed. My great-great-uncle, Glan Dixon, was among them. He was 21 years old.

Last month, I, along with family members of the other six airmen, had the honour of attending the unveiling of a monument recognising the sacrifice of the crew of JB664, and the commitment of the residents of Bransles to keeping their memory alive for more than eighty years.

Almost 100 people were in attendance at the commemoration, including regional dignitaries, the Vice President of the Libre Résistance and the villagers for whom the airmen and the lore behind their brief lives had become part of local memory. The Last Post was played, floral tributes were laid and speeches made.

The ceremony was moving in its own right. However, throughout, I couldn’t help but feel a sense of uncomfortable irony that we were recognising the sacrifice of young men of the past, all while our own present feels increasingly unpredictable.

Déjà vu or something new? 

It seldom makes sense to compare historical and contemporary events, to indulge in that most impossible of theoretical questions, ‘what would I have done…?’ And yet it is difficult not to feel a sense of foreboding at our present time. Faced with dire conflicts across the world, the imminent devastation of climate change, and the daily attacks on our human rights and the rule of law by irresponsible ideologues and obscenely wealthy megalomaniacs, it can often seem that the prosperous, progressive future we all anticipated as children is a fading mirage.

The news earlier this year that the German government would begin actively inviting all 18 year olds to sign up for voluntary military service, more than a decade after compulsory (military/civil) service had been abolished, suggests the very real possibility that Europe is gearing up for global conflict. This idea would have seemed impossible just a decade ago and, even now, with more than a million killed or wounded in Russia’s war of aggression on Ukraine, it still feels somehow absurd. Have we really reached a point where we’re preparing to send more of our young people into battle, eighty years after 25 million died in combat, a further 50 million civilians died as a result of military action, famine and disease, and countless soldiers and civilians were wounded physically and psychologically in ways from which they never recovered?

Not only is that absurd, it is offensive. It is offensive to those millions of young men who lie cold in the ground, many of them hundreds of miles from home. It is offensive to their lovers, whose futures evaporated overnight. It is offensive to their parents - to my great-grandmother - for whom a telegram broke hearts and shattered families.

That in 2025, we can be glorifying war, speculating about recalibrating our production lines for military purposes, and indulging the imperialist fantasies of some of the world’s worst leaders, that is an insult to all those who have died in war. And worst of all, it is an insult to every child alive today who is anxious and unsure whether they will get to enjoy the peace their parents and grandparents have enjoyed.

Somewhere along the line, we started to assume that peace was an entitlement, that it was as natural as the air we breathe, and not something that needs to be protected and worked for. Somewhere along the line, we forgot what it is we owe to each other.

Boldness out of devastation

In 1945, as Europe lay in ruins, people knew what they owed to each other. And they parlayed that into some of history’s greatest acts of solidarity. The Marshall Plan in 1948 and the first incarnation of the EU in 1951 - both created at a time when suspicion and resentment were not only prevalent, they were justified. And yet political leaders, as well as devastated populations, took a leap of faith and came together to build something that would insure against Europe ever collapsing again. 

These were enormous (and expensive) achievements. But solidarity doesn’t always require the commitment of billions of dollars. 

For me, one of the most poignant elements of the story of JB664 was how, on the morning after the crash, the women of Bransles laid flowers at the wreckage of the Lancaster bomber, and thereafter on the airmens’ graves. This was not only a kind gesture, it was an act of resistance - laying flowers had been forbidden by the German authorities. But week after week, flowers reappeared on the graves, even to this day, eighty years later.

Those flowers serve a constant reminder of what we owe to one another as human beings, whether as a small kindness or the ultimate sacrifice.

For us today, solidarity might look more like embracing the idea that people fleeing terror should be able to seek refuge in countries where they are safe, rather than pulling up the drawbridge. It might look like taxing the very wealthy to ensure that the rest of us can continue to access vital public services. It might be enabling those who produce our food to transition to more sustainable methods without falling into ruin. Seemingly simple ideas that we appear incapable, at present, of making a reality. But these are ideas of resistance, ideas that connect people and make our societies resilient against the attacks of those who would benefit from chaos.

The Mayor of Bransles, Florent Négrier, in his address to those gathered at the memorial in August, was direct in his assessment: ‘At a time when war threatens Europe, let us stand ready alongside those who share our values ​​of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity. Let us remember that Liberty is not a right but a precious commodity for which we must be ready, like our elders, to do everything to preserve.’

With our societies gripped by polarisation and with more than a hundred armed conflicts currently ongoing, I don’t know how we prevent further escalation. But I do know that the best resistance is exactly what the people of Bransles did: remember what we owe to each other and that what we have in common across borders is greater than national interests. So the question isn’t ‘what would I have done…?’, but what are we doing now, collectively, to strengthen our democracies and uphold the values Monsieur Négrier refers to? The answer to that question is what will determine how we respond if aggressors come to our door and what we will be forced to sacrifice.

Opinion article by Kate Fistric, European Policy Co-Lead.
(This piece was updated on 21 October to correct a mistake regarding German military service.)

Today, while the ADA remains a symbol of rights-based change, many of its protections are under attack in the US. Europe now has the opportunity and the responsibility to carry the civil rights legacy forward.

From America to Europe, the dawn of a civil rights revolution 

The ADA grew out of the same political tradition that drove the US civil rights movement. From the 504 Sit-in in 1977 to the Capitol Crawl in 1990, activists used the tools of civil rights protest to demand systemic change. Their victories reframed disabled people as rights-holders, not passive recipients of care. This principle became the foundation of the CRPD, the first human rights convention of the 21st century.

A warning from across the Atlantic

Yet, the very rights for which so many fought are today under attack in the USA. After a first attempt of 17 Republican-controlled states to undermine Section 504 in February 2025, the Trump Administration withdrew in March 2025 11 pieces of ADA guidances “to reduce regulatory burdens on businesses”. Broader attacks on Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) programs threaten to reverse decades of progress. Alarmingly, certain public figures in the orbit of President Trump have espoused ableist and even explicitly eugenic rhetoric, reminding us how fragile progress can be.

Europe’s challenge

In Europe, progress has been made. Initiatives such as the European Disability Card and the EU Strategy on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities signal a recognition of the issue. But they often lack binding legal force, consistent implementation, or the full participation of disabled people’s organisations in policymaking.

Volt sees these gaps as opportunities for decisive action. Europe can lead the next chapter in disability rights if it chooses to act.

Volt’s plan to make disability rights a reality in Europe

Disability rights are civil rights. Volt is pushing to make them enforceable and lived realities across the EU by:

• Making disability rights binding: making the UN CRPD enforceable in every country, ensuring all Member States ratify its Optional Protocol, and creating a European Disability Agency to guarantee implementation. 

• Making independent living a reality: with personal assistance and supported decision-making so everyone can choose where and how they live.

• Breaking down barriers to full participation: from education and jobs to transport and politics, with disabled people at the table for every decision.

To find out more:    

• What is the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA)?

• Civil and Disability Rights in the USA

• Crip Camp - a Disability Revolution Netflix / YouTube

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On July 22, 2025, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the Ukrainian unicameral Parliament,  passed draft law 12414. Immediately following the vote, calls for peaceful protests circulated on social media. By approximately 8 PM that evening, people in major cities had gathered to demand the law be vetoed. However, President Zelensky signed it by midnight. On the third day of protests, a counter-bill was introduced with the aim of reversing the situation.

One of the key conditions for Ukraine receiving EU candidate status was ensuring the independence of anti-corruption bodies. Institutions such as NABU and the Bureau of Economic Security (BES) were established at the insistence of Western partners. Protestors defending the independence of these bodies do not shy away from criticising them. Despite concerns, in recent months, these bodies have launched several high-profile investigations, including one involving Minister of Unity Chernyshov – a figure close to the president.

It’s worth noting that over the past year, the government has delayed the appointment of the BES director, signalling a lack of genuine interest in an effective body to expose corruption within the political elite. This, in turn, hinders progress on reforms and weakens the implementation of European support.

Alarming Violations of the Constitution

The swift passage and signing of the law – in less than 24 hours – angered many citizens, especially since numerous other bills have languished for years awaiting consideration. Furthermore, Law 4555 (draft law 12414) unjustifiably broadens the list of emergency circumstances under which law enforcement forces can enter a home without a court order. This directly violates the Constitution, which clearly outlines exceptions for lawful searches. The mere fact that a law contradicting the Constitution could be passed in a single day is alarming. Today, Ukraine’s parliament is often perceived as a non-functional body, with most MPs voting based on instructions from the government. In such a context, statements like “why I supported the law” followed by “it was a mistake” after protests justifiably outrage citizens.

The essence of draft law 12414 is the transfer of all control over anti-corruption investigations to the Prosecutor General, who is appointed by the Verkhovna Rada on the president’s recommendation – without any competition, integrity check, or assessment of professional qualifications. In other words, this is a fully controlled figure. Stripping SAPO prosecutors of their independence, along with the ability to reassign cases to other prosecutors, effectively nullifies the purpose of having specialized anti-corruption institutions.

Additionally, the Prosecutor General is granted the authority to unilaterally declare NABU investigations ineffective and transfer them to the State Bureau of Investigations (SBI) or the National Police. This opens the door to turning anti-corruption efforts into tools for inter-agency rivalry and farce.

A "Counter-Law" That Falls Short

On July 24, details emerged online of a “counter-law” intended to restore the independence of the anti-corruption institutions. However, it fails to reinstate their previous status and still subordinates them to the Prosecutor General, albeit with slightly reduced powers. While some provisions undermining NABU and SAPO’s independence were removed, and the clause allowing warrantless searches was repealed, the public does not view this as a real solution. People demand a full return to the legal framework that existed prior to draft law 12414.

Betrayal of Public Trust and International Commitments

For many, this situation was a shock. Ukrainians have high hopes for anti-corruption agencies, expecting them to improve state institutions, especially in the field of defense. This move by the authorities is seen as a serious betrayal of public demands and commitments to Western partners. People question: how can we expect continued support and weapons – so vital for survival – when our government disregards the advice of allies?

There is a real risk that Russia will exploit the government's missteps to fuel destabilisation. Civil society is making great efforts to reduce tensions among protesters, identify provocateurs, and prevent anyone from using the situation for personal gain or destructive purposes.

In addition to the primary demand – the repeal of Law 4555 – other demands concern reforms in anti-corruption efforts, government transparency, and justice. What outrages people is not just this particular law, but the broader trend of the government behaviour. It’s not the first time: but for many, it’s the last straw. Ukrainian society is showing exceptional unity. Ukrainians are consciously restraining internal conflicts to avoid jeopardising support from partners during wartime. But patience is wearing thin, and people rightly feel that the government is exploiting their patience to protect a corrupt political elite.

The Flimsy Justification and Deep-Seated Issues

The formal justification for adopting draft law 12414 was “removing Russian influence” from anti-corruption bodies. This claim is widely dismissed as laughable. First, due to the activities of Russian intelligence services, no institution in Ukraine is entirely free from their influence. Second, the Parliament still contains members from the OPZH party – a political force that serves Russian interests. Their presence is tolerated because they conveniently help the government secure majorities in key votes. Among them are individuals with criminal backgrounds, significant wealth, and close ties to oligarchs. Third, the President’s Office includes people like Oleh Tatarov – a former official under the Yanukovych regime involved in the persecution of Euromaidan activists. Under normal circumstances, he would be in prison, but President Zelensky defends him as an “effective official.” Effective, undoubtedly, as a tool for the regime and corrupt networks. He is also believed to be involved in drafting Law 4555, and his links to Russia have been documented multiple times.

International Reaction

Some European commentators have criticized the protests for a perceived lack of unity with the government, suggesting Ukrainians should wait until the war is over. They point to Churchill’s wartime cabinet as an example. In response, one might recall the words of Volodymyr Vynnychenko, a leader during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, who said that the goal of struggle is the preservation of statehood within secure borders – even at the cost of temporarily losing some territory. But today, in the digital age, borders alone cannot save a state: strong institutions are essential.

Systemic corruption is a powerful destabilising factor that Russia can exploit. Independent anti-corruption agencies are a pillar of Ukraine’s survival as a sovereign state and a guarantor of further reforms. Without this, even victory in war will not mean true victory. The cases of Belarus and Georgia prove this: lacking strong institutions and reforms, these states have been turned into Russian satellites.

Supporting Ukraine: Nation vs. Government

Having read this, you may feel inclined to not support a state with such a government. However, remember: your support is support for the Ukrainian nation. Support Ukraine – and hold the Ukrainian government accountable, just as Ukrainian civil society is doing. Western support is one of the few remaining levers to influence the authorities. The EU and the Ukrainian people both want reforms. Ukraine’s integration into European structures strengthens security and stability across the continent. Conversely, weak Ukrainian institutions undermine the entire security architecture and spread threats from Russia to the entire region.

One of the greatest achievements of the Revolution of Dignity is the formation of institutions independent of the state: civil society organisations, foundations, and unions. Ukrainian volunteers buy satellites, drones, armoured vehicles, develop technology, and implement innovations – this is a unique form of self-organisation. If you don’t trust the government, turn to civil society. It is a model for all of Europe, whose experience is worth emulating. The best way to do that is through direct cooperation.

You may also come away with a very negative impression of the Zelensky-led government – and that is entirely justified. Ukrainian society is trying not to air internal scandals on the international stage and preserve the president’s positive image – for the sake of national survival. For many Ukrainians, he remains the “lesser evil” and, despite entering office on pacifist slogans, has shown unexpected resilience. This government has many flaws, but in wartime, there is no real possibility of replacing it. No one seeks to overthrow the constitutional order. So, for the sake of victory, we must work with what we have.

Volt Ukraine

Image source: Apaimages / SIPA / Scanpix / LETA

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You and us share the same dream of a united, thriving Europe. It really means a lot to us when you make a donation, and if you would like to help us plan ahead with confidence, we thank you for your monthly contribution 💜